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Nij Research In Brief, Sept. 04, When Violence Hits Home: How ...

U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
SEPT
National Institute of Justice
. 04
Research in B r i e f
When Violence Hits Home: How Economics
and Neighborhood Play a Role
U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
810 Seventh Street N.W.
Washington, DC 20531
John Ashcroft
Attorney General
Deborah J. Daniels
Assistant Attorney General
Sarah V. Hart
Director, National Institute of Justice
This and other publications and products
of the National Institute of Justice can be
found at:
National Institute of Justice
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij
Office of Justice Programs
Partnerships for Safer Communities
www.ojp.usdoj.gov
SEPT. 04
When Violence Hits Home: How Economics
and Neighborhood Play a Role
Findings and conclusions of the research reported here are those of the
authors and do not reflect the official position or policies of the U.S.
Department of Justice.
This Research in Brief is based on the authors’ final report submitted to
the National Institute of Justice, Economic Distress, Community Context
and Intimate Violence: An Application and Extension of Social Disorganiza-
tion Theory (NCJ 193434) by Michael L. Benson and Greer Litton Fox. The
final report is available electronically from the National Criminal Justice
Reference Service Web site at http://www.ncjrs.org/pdffiles1/nij/grants/
193434.pdf.
This research was supported by the National Institute of Justice under
grant number 98–WT–VX–0011.
NCJ 205004
R E S E A R C H I N B R I E F / S E P T . 0 4
ABOUT THIS REPORT
Does intimate partner violence
the prevalence of intimate
occur more in disadvantaged
violence jumps dramatically:
neighborhoods? Are couples
women living in these circum­
facing job instability or other
stances are most at risk. Be­
economic distress more sus­
cause a higher percentage of
ceptible to intimate violence?
African-Americans live in dis­
Is the combination of individu­
advantaged neighborhoods
al money problems and living
and face economic distress,
in a tough neighborhood a cat­
they experience higher rates
alyst for higher levels of vio­
of intimate violence compared
lence? An NIJ-sponsored study
with whites. When comparing
summarized in this Research
African-Americans and whites
in Brief answers yes to all
of similar income levels, the
three questions. By examining
levels of intimate violence are
data from the U.S. Census
similar.
and from the National Survey
of Families and Households
(NSFH), researchers explored
What were the study’s
the dynamics among house­
limitations?
hold economics, neighbor­
hood economics, and levels
The amount of data on minori­
of intimate partner violence.
ties other than Hispanics and
African-Americans was rela­
tively small, limiting further
What did the
analysis of other subgroups.
researchers find?
Intimate violence is more pre­
Who should read this
valent and more severe in dis­
study?
advantaged neighborhoods. It
occurs more in households
Victim service providers, re­
facing economic distress. When
searchers, State and local
the economically distressed
housing policymakers, law
household is located in a dis­
enforcement planners.
advantaged neighborhood,
ii
W H E N V I O L E N C E H I T S H O M E
by Michael L. Benson and Greer Litton Fox
When Violence Hits Home:
How Economics and Neighborhood
Play a Role
Past research has explored
create more targeted preven­
how personality factors and
tion and intervention programs
the dynamics of an intimate
and better anticipate when
relationship can lead to vio­
demand for these programs
lence against women. An NIJ
might grow. The findings sug­
study takes a broader look at
gest that service providers
the factors at play in intimate
who help victims of violence
violence. The study reveals
should give priority to women
that the incidence of violence
in the most disadvantaged
in the home is exacerbated by
neighborhoods and address
economic factors apart from
their economic circumstances.
the characteristics of the indi­
viduals involved. Researchers
The study found that—
found that economic prob­
lems or distresses such as
■ Violence against women in
losing one’s job and specific
intimate relationships oc­
circumstances such as the
curred more often and was
length of a relationship inter­
more severe in economically
act with the kind of commu­
disadvantaged neighbor­
nity in which people live to
hoods. Women living in dis­
influence the offenders and
advantaged neighborhoods
victims of intimate violence.
were more than twice as
likely to be the victims of
The study sheds light on the
intimate violence compared
connections between intimate
with women in more advan­
violence and personal and
taged neighborhoods.
About the Authors
economic well-being and on
Michael L. Benson, Ph.D.,
how the type of neighborhood
■ For the individuals involved,
is an associate professor
in which women live may influ­
both objective (being un­
of criminal justice at the
ence them to stay in or leave
employed or not making
University of Cincinnati.
abusive relationships. Under­
enough money to meet fam­
Greer Litton Fox, Ph.D.,
ily needs) and subjective
is a professor in the
standing the links between
(worrying about finances)
Department of Child
these factors should help pol­
forms of economic distress
and Family Studies at the
icymakers and practitioners
University of Tennessee.
1
R E S E A R C H I N B R I E F / S E P T . 0 4
increase the risk of intimate
Effects of economic
violence against women.
distress
■ Women who live in eco­
■ Male job instability.
nomically disadvantaged
Women whose male part­
communities and are strug­
ners experienced two or
gling with money in their
more periods of unemploy­
own relationships suffer the
ment over the 5-year study
greatest risk of intimate
were almost three times as
violence.
likely to be victims of inti­
mate violence as were
■ African-Americans and
women whose partners
whites with the same
were in stable jobs.
economic characteristics
have similar rates of inti­
■ Income levels. Women liv­
mate violence, but African-
ing in households with high
Americans have a higher
incomes experienced less
overall rate of intimate vio­
violence at the hands of
lence due in part to higher
their intimate partners than
levels of economic distress
did women whose house­
and location in disadvan­
holds were less financially
taged neighborhoods.
secure. The results showed
a very consistent pattern:
The study also showed that
As the ratio of household
even when measures of sub­
income to needs goes up,
jective and objective econom­
the likelihood of violence
ic distress were taken into
goes down.
account, women living in dis­
advantaged neighborhoods
■ Financial strain. Couples
still have higher rates of inti­
who reported extensive fi­
mate violence. This may be
nancial strain had a rate of
because of the existence of
violence more than three
many of the same social
times that of couples with
problems that increase the
low levels of financial
risk of street crime in disad­
strain.
vantaged neighborhoods; for
example, a lower degree of
■ Severity of violence.
social capital to respond to
Women in disadvantaged
criminal behavior that, when
neighborhoods were more
longstanding, leads to a
likely to be victimized re­
greater tolerance for deviant
peatedly or to be injured by
behavior among people living
their domestic partners than
in those neighborhoods.
were women who lived in
2
W H E N V I O L E N C E H I T S H O M E
THE INVESTIGATION
To conduct the study, the researchers merged data from two sources:
the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH), which is a na­
tionally representative sample of U.S. households, and the 1990 U.S.
Census.
The researchers analyzed self-reported data from the NSFH on conflict
and violence among couples. They also analyzed data on the economic
resources and well-being of the couples, the composition of their house­
holds, and a number of the couples’ sociodemographic characteristics.
The researchers abstracted tract-level data from the census on various
characteristics, such as poverty, unemployment, and residential mobility,
for the census tracts in which the NSFH respondents lived. By merging
the census and NSFH data, the researchers were able to study both
the variation in the context in which intimate violence occurs and those
factors closely associated with intimate violence. They were able to
track the experiences of women in intimate relationships over time
and to examine the individual and joint effects of these individual- and
neighborhood-level factors.
Because the NSFH data include cases from a relatively limited number
of households representing racial and ethnic subgroups other than
African-Americans and Hispanics, the study’s discussion of minorities
and intimate violence is limited to those groups.
more advantaged neighbor­
economic disadvantage in­
hoods. For instance, about
creases a woman’s risk of
2 percent of women in ad­
intimate violence. Comparing
vantaged neighborhoods
levels of intimate violence
experienced severe vio­
among couples experiencing
lence, while 6 percent of
individual economic distress
women in disadvantaged
in both advantaged and dis­
neighborhoods were the
advantaged neighborhoods,
victims of severe violence.
researchers found much high­
er rates of violence among
couples in disadvantaged
A volatile mix
neighborhoods. The rate of in­
timate violence among finan­
Researchers sought to deter­
cially distressed couples in
mine whether the combina­
advantaged neighborhoods is
tion of individual economic
roughly half that of similarly
distress and a community’s
3
R E S E A R C H I N B R I E F / S E P T . 0 4
distressed couples in disad­
often does not match the eco­
vantaged neighborhoods. The
nomic status of the neigh­
highest rates of intimate vio­
borhoods in which they live.
lence are found among wo­
For instance, 36 percent of
men who live in disadvantaged African-American couples
neighborhoods with men who may be considered economi­
have had high levels of job in­
cally disadvantaged, but more
stability. In comparison, the
than twice as many African-
rate of intimate violence is
Americans (77 percent) live in
lowest among women whose
disadvantaged neighborhoods.
intimate partners have stable
Similar patterns are found for
employment and live in advan­
Hispanics. By contrast, white
taged neighborhoods. These
couples are much more likely
findings show that individual
to reside in neighborhoods
economic distress and an
that mirror their economic
economically disadvantaged
status.
neighborhood work in tandem
to increase a woman’s risk
To investigate this pattern fur­
for violence in an intimate
ther, researchers calculated
relationship.
the rates of intimate violence
against women among African-
Americans and whites while
Socioeconomics, race, controlling separately for com­
and violence
munity disadvantage and eco­
nomic distress. They found
The study found that the rate
that higher rates of intimate
of intimate violence against
violence among African-
women in African-American
Americans could be account­
couples is about twice that
ed for by their higher levels of
for white couples. To find out
economic distress and their
why, the study looked at the
greater likelihood of living in
relationship among economic
disadvantaged neighborhoods.
distress, living in a disadvan­
What’s more, the rate of vio­
taged community, and race
lence between intimate part­
and ethnicity. The study found
ners is virtually identical among
that African-Americans are
African-Americans and whites
more likely than whites to suf­
with high incomes. However,
fer from economic distress
African-Americans with low
and to live in disadvantaged
and moderate incomes do
neighborhoods. The study
appear to have a significantly
also found that the individual
higher rate of intimate vio­
economic status of African-
lence than whites do in those
Americans and Hispanics
same income categories.
4
W H E N V I O L E N C E H I T S H O M E
The study also explored the
individuals, intimate couples,
relationship between race and
and the communities in which
intimate violence by control­
they live.
ling for income and type of
community at the same time.
This study suggests to policy-
Results were mixed, but, in a
makers and intimate violence
number of cases, the differ­
service providers that violence
ence in intimate violence be­
against domestic partners
tween African-Americans and
does not occur solely because
whites was reduced substan­
of an offender’s psychological
tially. The study found that in
makeup or the inability to re­
both advantaged and disad­
solve conflicts constructively
vantaged neighborhoods,
in a relationship. Therefore,
African-Americans with high
strategies to address intimate
incomes have rates of intimate
violence should target a broad
violence that are close to or
array of potential areas for in­
less than those for whites.
tervention and change. At the
Generally, when African-
same time, law enforcement
Americans are compared to
officials could use this informa­
whites with similar incomes
tion to deal more effectively
and neighborhood economic
with intimate violence in the
status, the difference in the
community. Because intimate
rate of intimate violence di­
violence is more likely to oc­
minishes or is eliminated.
cur in disadvantaged neighbor­
hoods, this study suggests
that law enforcement officials
Implications for
give increased attention to
practice
these neighborhoods and
consider employing strate­
For policymakers developing
gies to prevent and detect
effective prevention and inter­
intimate partner crimes in
vention strategies, this study
vulnerable neighborhoods.
provides important insights
into how social changes that
This study found a strong link
cause economic distress in­
between intimate violence
fluence violence against wo­
and the economic well-being
men in different racial and
of couples and the communi­
socioeconomic groups. The
ties in which they live. This
stress that accompanies los­
means that economic prac­
ing a job and seeing personal
tices and employment policies
income shrink can result in
may play an important part
severe consequences for
in women’s risk of suffering
5
R E S E A R C H I N B R I E F / S E P T . 0 4
from intimate violence. It is
neighborhoods will continue
noteworthy that, in this study,
to experience a greater risk
job instability and not employ­
for intimate violence. In light
ment status itself was a major
of these findings about how
risk factor for violence against
neighborhood types and eco­
women. The researchers sug­
nomic distress increase the
gest that when policymakers
risk for intimate violence,
consider the problem of transi­
service providers may want
tory labor demand, they could
to consider how they develop
help address women’s risk of
interventions. To provide serv­
intimate partner violence by
ices where women at the
giving preference to policies
greatest risk of intimate vio­
and practices that provide job
lence need them most, serv­
stability rather than those that
ice providers could target
promote periodic layoffs and
women who live in the most
rehiring. The researchers also
disadvantaged neighborhoods.
suggest that service providers
Because economic distress
may want to monitor changes
has been shown to increase
in the local job force because
the risk of violence, service
cutbacks could potentially in­
providers might choose to
crease the level of intimate
address the economic re­
violence.
sources of these women and
specifically, their need for cash
The study also found that the
assistance. Based on the
type of community in which
findings of this study, finan­
women lived played a con­
cial assistance to women in
tributing role in their risk for
poverty may lessen their risk
intimate violence. Women
of violence.
experiencing economic difficul­
ties who live in disadvantaged
6
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