Aktuelle Informationen Und Studien Zu Mesoamerika
B 11348 F
Aktuelle Informationen und Studien zu Mesoamerika
News and studies on Mesoamerica – Noticias y contribuciones sobre Mesoamérica
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Nr. 6
Contents
kind of content and the owner of the object. Our text
begins with the so-called “Initial Sign” whose reading
mexicon XX (6)
and exact translation is still problematic. The following
News and Notes
115–118
glyph is an allograph of the so called “flat-hand” hiero-
glyph whose linguistic equivalent is still under discus-
Contributions
sion. Its semantic meaning may be “to dedicate”. In an
Lynette Heller and Barbara L. Stark
article published in mexicon Barbara MacLeod (1989)
Classic and Postclassic Obsidian Tool
proposed the decipherment of the next hieroglyph to be
Production and Consumption: A Regional
yi-chi “his (writing) surface”. The text continues with a
Perspective from the Mixtequilla, Veracruz
119–128
strange writing variant of a glyph which often substitutes
Nikolai Grube and Norman Hammond
for u tz’ibal “his writing, painting”. Specifically on this
Rediscovery of La Milpa Stela 4
129–132
plate the human head, elsewhere read as ahaw “ruler”,
seems to adopt the phonetic value u in order to express the
Recent Publications (Periodicals)
132–136
ergative pronoun u “his, her, its”. Thereafter, the owner
Impressum
136
of this plate is spelled ma-ko ahaw la-tzuk. This provides
the information that a noble person, called mak ahaw,
was the owner of this plate. Unfortunately there is no
extern information available about this mak ahaw from
Cover
other sources. The last glyph, la-tzuk, may be a title. The
complete text can be paraphrased as: “… it is dedicated
the surface for the writing of mak ahaw [title]”.
A Classic Maya polychrome tripod plate
The coloration and the hieroglyphic text of the plate is
from the Museo Popol Vuh
similar to other ceramic vessels from the northern Peten
Apart from artifacts exhibited in the Museo Popol Vuh,
region, for instance an orange ceramic bowl published in
Guatemala City, the museum keeps numerous artifacts of
the exhibition catalogue “Die Welt der Maya” (Eggebrecht,
the Classic Maya culture in its depository, such as various
Eggebrecht & Grube 1992:384 – n° 75). The orange col-
ceramic vessels or sculpture. Since most of these objects
oration and the blackened rim are identical with the style
were plundered by discreet looters their places of origin
found on this plate. The shape and coloration of the tripod
usually remain a secret. In March 1998 mexicon staff
plate under discussion show some similarities to Tepeu I
member Karl Herbert Mayer visited the Museo Popol Vuh
tripod ceramics from Uaxactun, as discussed by Smith in
and its depository. He was allowed to take photographs of
his analysis of Uaxactun ceramic vessels (Smith 1955).
several polychrome ceramic vessels of which one piece
Tepeu I is dated between 550–700 A.D. (Sharer 1994:
can now be published for the first time with the kind
691).
permission of the Museo Popol Vuh.
The artifact is a Classic Maya polychrome tripod plate
Photograph: Karl Herbert Mayer, 1998
of unknown provenance, referred by the museum as n°
Text: Christian Prager
0451. It is 24.5 cm in diameter and 6 cm high. In general
the plate is not intensely damaged, but slight scratches
overlay the surface without affecting the fineness of the
References cited
iconography and hieroglyphic text painted in the tondo.
On the right a discoloured area at the inner flaring wall
Coe, Michael D.
interrupts the homogeneous orange coloration of the plate.
1973
The Maya Scribe and His World. The Grolier Club, New
The undercoat is orange, the circular hieroglyphic text and
York.
the rim are painted black, the figure in the centre is painted
Eggebrecht, Eva, Arne Eggebrecht & Nikolai Grube
in a dark red.
1992
Die Welt der Maya. Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum,
The red-painted central figure depicts the head of the
Hildesheim.
deity K’awil, characterized by three double-flames shoot-
Kerr, Justin
ing up through his forehead, his jaw and his occiput – the
1989
The Maya Vase Book. Volume 1. Kerr Associates, New
mirror-sign on his forehead is another attribute of this
York.
deity. K’awil or God K was an important deity associated
MacLeod, Barbara
with the royal descent in Classic Maya iconography and
1989
Writing on the Curved Page: A Reading for the Manik
so scepters held by rulers were images of K’awil. Possi-
Collocation in the Primary Standard Sequence. Mexicon,
bly the red God K on this plate can be associated with the
Vol. XI, No. 2: 27–30, Verlag von Flemming, Berlin.
latter aspect of this important deity. For a similar illustra-
tion of God K compare a ceramic vessel [Kerr 1792]
Sharer, Robert J.
published by Justin Kerr (1989: 113) or another poly-
1994
The Ancient Maya. Stanford University Press, Stanford,
chrome plate published by Coe (1973: 36).
California.
A large portion of the circular hieroglyphic text con-
Smith, Robert E.
sists of glyphs belonging to the Primary Standard Se-
1955
Ceramic Sequence at Uaxactun, Guatemala. Volume 1 and
quence (PSS). This formulaic hieroglyphic sequence ap-
2. (Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University,
114 pears in order to mention the dedication of the object, the
Publication no. 20). Tulane University, New Orleans.
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
This region is one of the least studied areas in Mexico. It is
News and Notes
calculated that in the municipality of Ometepec alone, where
the archaeological site Piedra Labrada is located and which is
adjacent to Igualapa, about 900 unexcavated archaeological
Guatemalan peasant families leave
sites exist. The recovered objects have been sent to the INAH
the Peten Maya Biosphere Reserve
Historical Museum of Acapulco, Fuerte de San Diego.
GUATEMALA CITY (Prensa Libre). After having spent
more than 15 years of their lives in the Maya Biosphere
Reserve the Comunidades Populares en Resistencia in the
Stelae from Los Alacranes salvaged
Department of Peten (CPR-P, Popular Communities in Re-
MEXICO CITY (Ivan Šprajc). As was reported in mexicon
sistance in the Peten) will move to other areas as a result of
19 (1997): 5ff, during the first season of the archaeological
negotiations with the Guatemalan government.
survey of southeastern Campeche conducted by Mexico’s
In 1981, with the assistance of national and international
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) in
organizations, a group of about 300 families had settled in the
1996, two Maya stelae with reliefs and inscriptions were
area known as the Parque Nacional Sierra del Lacandon in the
discovered at the archaeological site of Los Alacranes. The
municipality La Libertad, Peten, trying to escape the armed
salvage of the stelae, undertaken as a precaution against theft
conflict between the Guatemalan URNG (Unidad Revolu-
or vandalism, was approved by INAH’s Archaeological Coun-
cionaria Nacional Guatemalteca) guerrillas and the govern-
cil and put into effect in March 1998. The two monuments,
ment in their home villages. Due to general hardship, lack of
originally situated in the site’s East and West Complexes
food and health problems, many of the families decided to
respectively, were transported into the centre of the town of
emigrate to Mexico. Others who stayed were regarded by the
Los Alacranes and set up securely on the west side of the main
Guatemalan military forces as supporters of the URNG gue-
street (Fig. 1). Before being transported, the stelae were
rillas and were kept under military control. To receive more
drawn by Ian Graham.
assistance, the communities organized themselves as CPR-P
Unfortunately, when they arrived at the site to commence
in 1991 and were recognized as civil population by the
work on the stelae in February 1998, the salvage team discov-
Mission of the United Nations for Guatemala, MINUGUA.
ered Stela 1 broken in two. At some point after August 1996,
At present, the CPR-P consists of the four communities La
when the stela, after having been raised and photographed,
Esmeralda, Albeño, Fajardo and Virgilio, which integrate
was left in situ concealed by a layer of rubble, looters tried to
about 150 families coming from different departments of the
raise it, perhaps in order to facilitate sawing it into transport-
country. No roads exist and visiting the communities is only
able sections, but apparently changed their minds after caus-
possible on foot. The families are moving out to live in five
ing the break. As luck would have it, the sculpted face of the
ranchos offered to them by the Guatemalan government,
monument did not suffer major damage. After transportation,
which are situated between the municipalities of La Libertad
the two fragments were assembled and attached to a specially
and San Francisco.
prepared platform that facilitated the exercise of raising the
stela into a vertical position (Fig. 1). The details of the salvage
work have been presented in an information paper issued by
Mexican archaeological patrimony recovered
INAH.
MEXICO CITY (La Jornada). The Mexican Chief Depart-
The town of Los Alacranes, located in the extreme
ment of Prosecution (Procuraduría General de la República,
southeast of the state of Campeche (89° 13’ W, 17° 59’ N),
PGR) confiscated 2168 archaological objects belonging to
is accessible from Xpujil or Nicolas Bravo, by roads coming
the Olmec and Teotihuacan cultural horizons. The objects,
off Federal Highway 186 (Escarcega – Chetumal) to the
which are between 3000 and 3500 years old, were looted in
south.
the municipality of Igualapa, in the Costa Chica region of the
Mexican state of Guerrero. They include 1340 miniature
plates, some semi-complete vessels, part of a stela, a granite
stone with the design of an Olmec figurine with red colour,
small Olmec-style heads, and head fragments and vessels of
Teotihuacan style. Among the looted material are also 648
small clay tablets with grooved motives. According to INAH
staff member María de la Cruz Paillés, they represent a type
formerly unknown to archaeologists. The objects were de-
tected by the PGR during a car check on the federal highway
Acapulco-Pinotepa Nacional, about 120 kilometres from
Acapulco. The Mexican driver, a native from Igualapa who
was arrested, claimed he was carrying the pieces, which he
had allegedly received from acquaintances in the Costa Chica
region, to hand them over to a museum in Acapulco. Never-
theless, other objects were found during a search of his home.
According to the delegate of INAH Guerrero, Cristina Sánchez
Fig. 1. Stelae 1 and 2 of Los Alacranes after transportation from the
del Real, the objects are authentic and correspond stylistically
archaeological site to the modern town. Note the fracture on
to other archaeological findings from the Costa Chica zone.
Stela 1.
115
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Important discovery at Teotihuacan
The Maya ruins of El Temblor, Peten
TEMPE (James Hathaway/George Cowgill/ASU). The re-
GRAZ (Karl H. Mayer). On March 20, 1998 Karl Herbert
cent discovery of a skeleton and 150 surrounding artifacts
Mayer of the staff of mexicon, accompanied a team of
inside the Pyramid of the Moon at the ruins of Teotihuacan
Guatemalan archaeologists of the Proyecto Nacional Tikal,
could very well be a critical clue to understanding this culture,
Sub-Proyecto Triángulo, headed by Oscar Quintana Sa-
according to Arizona State University (ASU) Professor of
mayoa, during a visit to the Maya ruins of El Temblor. The
Anthropology George Cowgill, a consultant on the excava-
latter are situated in the central section of the Guatemalan
tion and longtime associate of ASU archaeologist Saburo
department of Peten, approximately 18 km SSE of the ruins
Sugiyama, who made the find. Discovered in mid-October,
of Tikal and 13 km NE of the ruins of Ixlu, as the parrot flies.
the burial is suspected to date to approximately 100 A.D., in
The group was guided by Roberto García Lorenzana from
the early years of Teotihuacan. Perhaps even more archaeo-
the village of El Remate. The archaeological site of El
logically important are indications that the skeleton may have
Temblor has been known since it was recorded by Ian
belonged to one of the city’s rulers. If this is so, it would be
Graham of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, in
the first grave of a Teotihuacan ruler to be found, and
1974, who mapped a small portion of the site and reported
information learned from the site could literally revolutionize
that it contains one sculpted monument with a hieroglyphic
modern understanding of Teotihuacan’s still largely unknown
inscription (Graham, Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscrip-
culture and history. Discovered under the city’s second larg-
tions, Volume 3, Part 3, Cambridge, 1982); his three-letter
est pyramid, along the centreline, the body was buried seated
code of the site’s name is TMB, and his explorations of the
and is surrounded with many offerings, inculding large obsid-
ruins are as yet unpublished.
ian and green stone figurines. According to Cowgill, this is
Access to the little-known, unguarded ruins is relatively
similar to the pattern of rulers’ burials found at related sites to
easy from the village of El Caoba, a modern settlement on the
the south. If the pattern holds true, this may be just the first of
asphalt road leading from Flores to Tikal; from El Caoba a dirt
several rulers’ burials waiting to be found under the Pyramid
road heads east to Paso del Carmen in the vicinity of the ruins,
of the Moon, as a series of such burials has been found
which lie in a wooded area dotted with extensive maize fields.
similarily centred under other Mesoamerican monumental
The exact geographical location of El Temblor was obtained
structures.
by a hand-held GPS receiver, giving the following readings:
At its peak around 500 A.D. Teotihuacan housed perhaps
latitude 17° 03.70’ N, longitude 89° 36.70’ W.
200,000 people in a planned city covering nearly eight square
miles. The recent discovery is of special personal significance
to Sugiyama and Cowgill, who were part of a team that found
a spectacular series of mass graves under Teotihuacan’s much
smaller Feathered Serpent Pyramid in the late 1980s. Among
that excavation’s finds were some warriors’ burials – prob-
ably sacrifices to dedicate the pyramid – but a large pit where
the ruler was suspected to have been buried was found looted
and empty. The older, more primitive construction lying
under the Pyramid of the Moon may have protected its secrets.
According to George Cowgill the Pyramid of the Moon is
difficult to dig because of the mass of loose rock used in the
construction. This makes it dangerous for archaeologists to
tunnel under but it is also resistant to looters.
The grave is located within a structure that had subse-
quently been covered by two other structures and finally by
the current pyramid, which was constructed around 250 A.D.
The excavation is a joint project of the ASU Department of
Anthropology and Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropol-
ogy and History (INAH) and is funded in part by a grant from
the National Science Foundation (NSF). Sugiyama and Mexi-
can archaeologist Ruben Cabrerea head an international ex-
cavation team which includes graduate and undergraduate
students from both institutions, as well as graduate students
from the University of Tokyo, the National Autonomous
University of Mexico, and the University of the Americas.
Study and analysis of the burial items and other materials
found in the excavation will be conducted at the ASU Archae-
ology Centre in nearby San Juan. The centre, which has
quarters and laboratory space for ten archaeologists, was
founded with the help of an NSF grant in 1987 to do research
on Teotihuacan. Excavation of the site is expected to continue
Fig. 2. A looter’s trench at El Temblor (Photo: Karl Herbert Mayer,
116 until March 1999.
1998)
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Although no diagnostic ceramics were found on the sur-
face, the visible archaeological features indicate that El
Temblor is generally of a Late Classic date.
The photographs presented here are published with the
kind permission of the Guatemalan Instituto de Antropología
e Historia.
Midwest Mesoamericanists Meeting
LOUISVILLE (Aztlan). The Midwest Mesoamericanists
Fig. 3. The sawn Stela 1 from El Temblor (Photo: Karl Herbert
Meeting is a conference on the archaeology, art history, and
Mayer, 1998)
ethnohistory of Mesoamerican cultures. The conference,
which will be held from March 5–6, 1999 at the University of
El Temblor is a medium-sized, compact settlement near a
Illinois at Chicago, is being organized by Joel Palka, Virginia
modern rancho, and consists of at least three architectural
Miller and Ellen Baird. Those interested in participating
groups, preliminarily designated as Groups A, B, and C, with
should send paper titles and short abstracts by January 8, 1999
a roughly north-south axis and exhibiting no standing archi-
to: Virginia Miller, Department of Art History (M/C 201),
tecture. Oscar Quintana and Brenda Lou prepared prelimi-
University of Illinois, 935 W. Harrison St., Chicago, IL.
nary sketch maps of the three sections of the site, indicating
60607-7039, phone: (312)996-3303, email: <VEM@uic.
where looters have damaged the architectural remains. There
edu>.
are many high and low mounds, all of them trenched and
tunneled by illegal excavations (Fig. 2), exposing masonry
The Maya Meetings at Texas
wall and floor remains, a sad fate that El Temblor shares with
the majority of Maya ruins in Guatemala’s Peten. Group A is
LOUISVILLE (Aztlan). The next Maya Meetings at Texas on
located in the northern section of the ruins in a wooded area
the epigraphy and iconography of Mayan, Mixtec, Preclassic,
on a hill and features a pyramid of more than 10 m in height,
Central Mexican, and other cultures will take place from 11–
where looters have excavated six trenches, and a long, palace-
20 March, 1999 at Austin, Texas. The 1999 meetings will
type structure north-east of the pyramid, with three large
focus on grammar, supernaturals, etc. Special guests will be
trenches on the west side. This edifice is at least 5 m high. East
Steve Houston, David Stuart, and John Robertson. For further
of the pyramid is a damaged stela. Group B is located to the
information, please contact: Maya Meetings, PO Box 3500,
south of Group A, in a lower, flat area, now mostly a milpa,
Austin, Texas 78764-3500, phone: (512) 471-MAYA (471-
and consists of at least five mounds or platforms, one of them
6292), email: <mayameet@ccwf.cc.utexas.edu>.
with the signs of an illegal excavation. Group C, south of
Group B, is a complex architectural group, consisting of eight
Copan Archaeology Weekend
structures, possibly temples and palaces, located on a hill with
high vegetation and showing more than five major trenches
LOUISVILLE (Aztlan). From March 25–27, 1999 (Thursday
made by looters. One of the collapsed structures in the eastern
& Friday evenings, Saturday morning) the Copan Archaeology
part of Group C contains an unusual chultun-like masonry
Weekend with Prof. David Sadat will take place at the Maya
interior with a rounded niche in the eastern section, which was
Society of Minnesota. Topics include: “Tunneling into the
inspected and measured. At Group C, to the west, one chultun,
Heart of the Copan Acropolis: Margarita’s Secret: An Early
with a circular opening, was noted.
Copan Acropolis Mystery” and “Issues in Copan Archaeol-
Although the guide provided the information that there
ogy.” For more information contact: email: <ljohnstn_97
are carved stone monuments at the site, only a single, muti-
@yahoo.com>.
lated stela was observed, with sawn-off lateral surfaces. This
limestone monument is presently 195 cm high, 58 cm wide,
64th SAA Meeting at Chicago
and has a thickness of between 28 and 33 cm (Fig. 3). The
front side shows only faint traces of the original relief. Ian
WASHINGTON, D.C. (SAA). The 64th Meeting of the
Graham (written communication, May 1987) provided the
Society for American Archaeology will be held from 24–28
information that the two sawn-off narrow sides of a stela from
March, 1999, at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. For further infor-
El Temblor were offered for sale in an art gallery in New York
mation contact: SAA, 900 Second St. NE #12, Washington,
City, around 1970. One all-glyphic bas-relief fragment, bear-
D.C., 20003-3557, phone: (202) 789-8200 email: <meetings
ing 24 glyph-blocks, 119 cm high and 32 cm wide, was
@saa.org> or contact the webpage at: <http://www.saa.org/
acquired in 1981 by the Duke University Museum of Art in
index.html>.
Durham, North Carolina where it is on exhibit; it was first
suggested to be of unknown provenance and the museum
2nd Mesoamericanist Symposium of Germany
assumed a place of origin in Belize. It was published for the
first time in 1987, when its identiy was still unknown (K. H.
BREMEN (A. Koechert). The “II. Mesoamerikanistische
Mayer, Maya Monuments: Sculptures of Unknown Prov-
Symposium” is scheduled to take place in Bremen, Germany,
enance, Supplement I, Cat. No. 19, Berlin,1987). The present
from 9 to 11 April 1999. The host will be the institute WE
whereabouts of the second inscribed side of the stela, stolen
Ibero-Amerika of the University of Bremen. Everyone is
around 30 years ago and not yet published, is unknown.
invited who has a scholarly interest in Mesoamerica within
117
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
the framework of the discipline “Mesoamerikanistik” (– what
to open the whole catalogue for Internet research. Currently,
that exactly means will be a topic of fervent discussion at the
already 20,000 titles are available. The IAI website offers
symposium). For further information and to register, please
information in Spanish, Portuguese, English and German.
contact: WE Ibero-Amerika, FB 03, Universität Bremen, PF
In addition, the websites of German university depart-
330440, D-28334 Bremen, Germany; tel.: (+49-421) 218-
ments which have a specialization in Mesoamerican studies
2429 / -4850-7036, fax: (+49-421) 218-2997; website: http:/
might be of interest to our readers. The Department of
/ibero.math.uni-bremen.de.
Prehispanic Languages and Cultures (Arbeitsberich Altameri-
kanische Sprachen und Kulturen, Archäologisches Institut
der Universität Hamburg) recently announced its new website
Maya Weekend at the University of
at: <http://www.uni-hamburg.de/Wiss/FB/09/ArchaeoI/Alt-
Pennsylvania Museum
ameri/index.html>. The websites of the Latin-America Insti-
LOUISVILLE (Aztlan). The 1999 Maya Weekend at the
tute of the Free University, Berlin (Lateinamerika-Institut der
University of Pennsylvania Museum will be held from 9–11
Freien Universität Berlin, LAI) and the anthropology depart-
April 1999, Philadelphia and focus on “Mayan Epigraphy:
ments at the University of Bonn and Freiburg can be con-
Progress and Prospects”. For information contact: Special
tacted at: <http://www.fu-berlin.de/lai/>, at: <http://www.
Events Office, Univ. of PA. Museum, 33rd and Spruce
voelk.uni-bonn.de/> and at: <www.uni-freiburg.de/ethno/
Streets, Philadelphia, PA, 19104-6234, phone: (215) 898-
institut2.htm>. The websites include, among useful links and
4890.
news, general information on academic research, education,
staff, curricula, conferences, etc.
The Third Palenque Round Table
MEXICO CITY (INAH). The Mexican Consejo Nacional
Archaeologist George Hasemann
para la Cultura y las Artes, with the Instituto Nacional de
LOUISVILLE (Aztlan/John W. Hoopes). On 8 October 1998
Antropología e Historia, will hold the “Third Palenque Round
archaeologist George Hasemann died of cancer. Born in New
Table” fom June 28–July 4, 1999, at Palenque, Mexico. The
York, Hasemann was a longtime resident of Honduras. He
meeting will be dedicated to the outstanding epigrapher and
was chief of the Archaeology Section of the Instituto
important promoter of the Mesas Redondas, Linda Schele. It
Hondureño de Arqueología e Historia and director of El
will focus on the theme of social organization for the
Proyecto Los Naranjos. Among many other important publi-
Prehispanic, Colonial and modern Maya, to be explored from
cations, Hasemann was the author, with his wife Gloria Lara
the perspectives of epigraphy, iconography, anthropology,
Pinto and Fernando Cruz Sandoval, of “Los Indios de
archaeology and history. Special emphasis will be given to
Centroamérica” (Editorial MAPFRE, 1996), a major synthe-
the current interpretations of issues in family organization
sis of Honduran prehistory, ethnohistory, and ethnography.
and institutions among the Maya. In addition to the main
As one of the most active archaeological fieldworkers in
conferences, the upcoming Round Table includes sessions on
Honduran archaeology, Hasemann contributed to knowledge
new findings and the Premio Palenque. The main conference
across an 11,000-year spectrum of prehistory (including a
will be followed by a three-day weekend workshop on Maya
recent discovery of Paleo-Indian remains). His research in-
epigraphy. The Organization Committee invites all contribu-
cludes work in the Rio Sulaco and El Cajon regions. He was
tors to submit a two-page abstract no later than February 28,
also a key figure in the recent investigation of mortuary caves
1999. For further information contact the INAH website at:
in the Talgua Valley region and sites in the Rio Platano
<http://www.inah.gob.mx/palenque/finformacioni.htm>.
Biosphere (including investigation of the “Ciudad Blanca”
sites). His passing leaves a major void in Honduran archaeol-
ogy. He will be sorely missed.
Websites in Germany of interest
to Mesoamericanists
BERLIN/HAMBURG (IAI/mexicon). Recently, the Ibero-
Amerikanisches Institut, Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Berlin (Ibero-American Institute, IAI) has opened its website
at: <http://www.iai.spk-berlin.de>. The IAI is a non-univer-
sity interdisciplinary research centre with a large, internation-
ally recognized special library and a Research Department.
Its range of publications comprises several monograph series,
three periodicals and exhibition catalogues. The IAI organ-
izes international colloquia, public lectures, panel discus-
sions, author’s readings, exhibitions and concerts. The library
of the IAI with its almost 800,000 books from about Spain,
Portugal, and Latin America, 4,500 current periodicals, 63,000
maps, more than 600,000 newspaper clips, thematically filed,
more than 20,000 records and 80,000 new slides and old
photographs, as well as pictures, manuscripts and estates of
distinguished scholars like Teobert Maler and Walter Leh-
118 mann is the largest library of this type in Europe. It is planned
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Contributions
Classic and Postclassic Obsidian Tool
Production and Consumption: A Regional Perspective
from the Mixtequilla, Veracruz
Lynette Heller and Barbara L. Stark
Blanton et al. (1993) suggest that lowland Mesoamerican
This viewpoint has been partially conditioned, especially
economies differed from their highland counterparts in that
for obsidian, by archaeological studies focused on major
they were less heavily administered and more horizontally
highland sites, rather than the production systems of more
integrated. For much of Mesoamerica, obsidian provides one
distant consuming populations (e.g., Healan 1986; Michels
means of monitoring prehistoric economies. Obsidian tools
1979; Spence 1981, 1986). As a result, production and distri-
represent durable reduction technology, capable of providing
bution of obsidian, especially for prismatic blades, have been
data on procurement, production, consumption, and discard
attributed largely to elites or higher-order sites (e.g., Appel
over time.
1982; Bové 1981; Michels 1979; Sidrys 1976) during the Late
For most of Mesoamerica, however, data to assess obsidi-
and Terminal Preclassic (600–100 BC, and 100 BC–AD 300,
an’s economic role have not been systematically recorded at a
respectively) and Classic periods (AD 300–900). Recent
regional scale (e.g., Sanders et al. 1979; Blanton et al. 1982).
work with regional survey and testing of lower-order sites has
In the Maya lowlands, regional surveys normally select sam-
shown that obsidian was available to most consumers (e.g.,
ples of features in transects rather than from large blocks
Mallory 1984; Santley and Pool 1992; Sheets 1983; Webster
because of vegetation density. Also, many obsidian studies
and Gonlin 1988).
have been site focused. Considerable emphasis has been placed
In recent years models have been proposed for the Maya
on the economic role of obsidian in regard to highland sites
lowlands that view economies as more horizontally inte-
close to sources (e.g., Spence 1981, 1984, 1986).
grated than some highland areas, with centers not dominating
Systematic survey in the Proyecto Arqueólogico La
local economic processes. For example, Sanders and Webster
Mixtequilla (PALM) in south-central Veracruz, Mexico, pro-
(1988) treat Maya centers, such as Copan, as representing
vides an opportunity in the lowlands to examine local, re-
what Fox (1977) has termed regal-ritual centers, with very
gional, and – to some extent – interregional economic systems
limited production and distribution functions, although some
and their degree of specialization, centralization, and integra-
economic decision-making may have been fairly centralized.
tion in a consumer population far from obsidian sources. The
Rather, such sites were primarily consumers, with goods and
Mixtequilla is an area with rich alluvial soils situated on the
services supplied from their sustaining areas.
western side of the Lower Papaloapan Basin, Veracruz (Fig-
An economic model for the Maya area proposes rather
ure 1). The project study zone is defined by the Blanco and
strong horizontal integration conditioned by small-scale en-
Pozas Rivers to the north and south, respectively, and is
vironmental differences that fostered primarily household
surrounded by lower, seasonally flooded areas of diminished
level production and distribution systems (Blanton et al.
agricultural potential. PALM survey covered 40 km² of the
1982, 1993; Fedick 1988; Rice 1987). In such horizontally
study zone in the central block area and revealed a dense
pattern of archaeological features, spanning late Middle
Preclassic (900–600 BC) to colonial/historic occupations
(Curet et al. 1994; Stark and Curet 1994). Project data
indicate that Mixtequilla society was probably organized in
weakly stratified systems similar to complex chiefdoms or
petty states during much of the prehistoric occupation, similar
to the Maya lowlands (Stark 1990).
Theoretical Issues
Current Mesoamerican studies of complex societies suggest
considerable regional and temporal variation in the levels of
craft specialization and the degree of elite involvement in
production/distribution systems (e.g., Blanton et al. 1981;
McAnany 1989; Rice 1987; Sanders and Webster 1988). For
complex stratified Mesoamerican societies, craft production
and distribution often have been characterized by specializa-
tion under elite and/or state regulation, that is, being strongly
vertically integrated.
Fig. 1. The location of the PALM survey.
119
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
(Ashmore 1988); (2) control of obsidian procurement and
distribution but not necessarily of blade production at
Zapotitlan (Sheets 1983); and (3) equal availability of obsid-
ian to all classes with no attempt to control production or
distribution at Copan (Mallory 1984).
Postclassic Maya obsidian industries are generally seen as
a representing a period of increased access to obsidian facili-
tated by growing commercialization, changes in transport
methods, and, possibly, by collapse of trading cartels that had
formerly controlled long-distance trade (e.g., McKillop 1989;
Rice 1987). Archaeological indicators of these changes in-
clude: increased access to obsidian by rural residents, more
equitable distribution of obsidian, and a decrease of obsidian
in elite contexts. The Postclassic data do not show a change
Fig. 2. PALM survey limits showing features and mapped areas of
formal architecture. Dashed lines represent 500 m bands
from horizontal to more vertical economic integration.
around the centers of Sauce, Cerro de las Mesas, and Azuzules.
The Mixtequilla obsidian data represent a lowland area,
including numerous formal complexes or centers and resi-
integrated economies, centers are again seen as mainly con-
dences, and they provide a broad diachronic perspective with
sumers of craft items, rather than as conducting specialized
which to address economic issues. Here we examine data
production.
from both Classic and Postclassic occupations in regard to (1)
Expectations differ regarding the archaeological data rep-
physical location of prismatic blade production, i.e., centers
resentative of vertically versus horizontally integrated econo-
versus countryside localities, and (2) temporal variability of
mies. Briefly, with strongly administered control, for many
production systems. In this paper we do not attempt to address
crafts production is expected to be limited to, or at least
the social context of blade production and consumption
concentrated in, administrative sites to allow efficient regu-
because to do so requires separate space.
lation. Access to craft items would be greater in these locali-
ties (Finsten 1983; Mallory 1984; Sidrys 1976). Craft produc-
Mixtequilla Survey
tion would not be expected in areas of relatively low popula-
The PALM involved full coverage survey utilizing aerial
tion, unless involving a localized resource. For many crafts,
photographs for orientation. Modern fields were systemati-
there would be a high degree of economic specialization,
cally walked with crew members spaced at 20 m intervals. A
involving workshops. Differential access to craft items by
total of 1982 features was recorded, of which 1127 were
class may be more distinct. There may be more evidence of
collected; most are low earthen mounds assumed to represent
resource pooling. Such systems tend to be characterized by
residential loci. Where surface visibility permitted, collec-
well defined boundaries, and many have primate urban patterns
tions of all rim and temporally diagnostic sherds, chipped
(Blanton et al. 1981:218–221, Finsten 1983:336–347), al-
stone, and other artifacts were made over measured areas for
though there may be large sites without administrative func-
each feature; collection areas were scaled to provide 70–100
tions (i.e., lack formal architecture) (Finsten 1983:77–78).
rim sherds. Non-mound occupational concentrations were
Horizontally integrated economies are characterized by
rare and were collected in a similar fashion to mounds. In
centers with few production and distribution functions. Pro-
addition 12 zones containing formally arranged, monumental
duction localities found in administrative sites will likely be
architecture were contour mapped and collected (Figure 2).
located away from the administrative zone. Production lo-
we will focus on three formal complexes or centers, Cerro de
calities will be more numerous and situated to allow for ease
las Mesas and Azuzules (combining Azuzules and Azuzules
of access to goods by the general populace (Finsten 1983:117).
East) and Sauce.
The intensity of production is lower, i.e., at a household level
and not supported by elites. Some village or residential
specialization may be involved. There is more equalized
access to goods across classes. Political boundaries tend to be
more permeable (McAnany 1989:363), and centers are more
equally sized. Politically, the system may be weak or unstable
with discontinuity of ruling centers (Blanton et al. 1981:218–
221; Finsten 1983: 334–348).
Lowland obsidian studies lend mixed support to the idea
of a more horizontally integrated economy. Recovery of
production indicators in lower-order sites and/or households
(e.g., McKillop 1989; Santley 1989; Webster and Gonlin
1988) has led to varying interpretations of the degree of elite
control of obsidian production in localities that were at
considerable distances from major obsidian sources during
the Classic period (Ashmore 1988; Mallory 1984; Sheets
Fig. 3. Collections are plotted if they contain diagnostic Classic
rims. Triangles indicate collections with black/dark gray
1983). Interpretations include: (1) dispersed, if sometimes
production indicators. Dashed lines represent 500 m bands
120 centrally controlled, household-based production at Quirigua
around the centers of Cerro de las Mesas and Azuzules.
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Occupation throughout the survey area is generally dense
1.5
but dispersed, similar to lowland Maya settlement patterns.
Classic
Mound size for most low residential mounds is comparable to
Obs/Sherd Ratio
that of Maya plazuela groups. Thus, they could have sup-
1.2
ported multiple perishable dwellings and outdoor work areas
(Stark 1990).
0.9
During the Late and Terminal Preclassic periods, settle-
ment was generally concentrated in the western half of the
Ratio
survey area, but Classic settlement was widespread and
0.6
continuous. Cerro de las Mesas was the predominant center
during the Late to Terminal Preclassic and continued to
0.3
function into the Classic period (Stark 1990). Additional
centers developed as Classic period population increased.
Azuzules and Zapotal are the two largest new centers for the
0
immediate area. Azuzules, which lies at the eastern margin of
Country
CM
LA
ES
the survey zone, contains Classic ceramics. Zapotal lies
Location
immediately to the north, outside of survey boundaries; work
there has produced evidence of one Late Classic mound
1.5
Postclassic
(Torres 1972; Torres et al. 1975).
Obs/Sherd Ratio
Major settlement disruptions occurred within the Mixte-
1.2
quilla during the Postclassic period. Two Postclassic compo-
nents have been identified using multivariate ceramic analy-
ses (Curet et al. 1994). The earliest pertains to the Middle
0.9
Postclassic (AD 1200–1350 or possibly beginning earlier).
By this time, the large Classic sites of Cerro de las Mesas and
Ratio
0.6
Azuzules had ceased to function as higher-order centers.
Middle Postclassic occupation is found throughout the re-
gion, including some occupation within the earlier centers; a
0.3
new, residentially nucleated center was founded at Sauce
(Figure 2). Settlement disruption was accompanied by equally
0
marked changes in material culture (Curet et al. 1994). The
Country
CM
LA
ES
Middle Postclassic ceramic assemblages show little continu-
Location
ity with Classic ceramics (Stark 1995), and, instead, have
strong affinities with the Central Highlands, specifically
Fig. 4. Ratios of prismatic pieces to diagnostic rim sherds for the
countryside features, Cerro de las Mesas (CM), Azuzules
Puebla and the Basin of Mexico. Obsidian technology and
(LA), and Sauce (ES). Ratios are not comparable between
source use also changed (Stark et al. 1992). By the Late
periods because the number of diagnostic types varies by
Postclassic (AD 1350–1521), Sauce apparently ceased func-
period.
tioning as a center. Late Postclassic occupation appears to
have been light and dispersed primarily across the south-
parency) into five groups: (1) green, (2) clear gray, a pale,
central survey zone (Curet et al. 1994). At this time the region
translucent obsidian with numerous small black inclusions
was likely tributary to the Aztec Triple Alliance.
and cloudy swirls, (3) black, usually very glassy, (4) dark
gray, ranging from almost black to a translucent smoky gray
Mixtequilla Obsidian
(subsequently combined with the black category for analy-
No material suitable for knapping occurs within the Mixte-
sis), and (5) indeterminate. Initial statistical analyses of the
quilla, necessitating dependence on imported materials, pre-
Cerro de las Mesas obsidian indicated strong associations
dominantly obsidian. In this regard, the lithic economy dif-
between technological/visual groups and temporally diag-
fers from both that of the highlands, where obsidian sources
nostic ceramics (Stark and Heller 1991). Clear gray flakes
and other lithics occur, and that of the Maya lowlands, where
correlated with Preclassic ceramics; clear gray prismatic tech-
cherts were available. Only 64 pieces of chert are present in
nology with Postclassic diagnostics, and black/dark gray pris-
the PALM collections, primarily associated with Postclassic
matic technology with Classic diagnostics. These correlations
materials as finished tools. Obsidian comprises almost the
were substantiated by PALM excavation data (Heller 1997).
entire suite of chipped stone, with 15,084 pieces from 1123
Late Preclassic excavations reveal mainly percussion
surface collections and an additional 3,481 pieces from four
flake technology utilizing clear gray obsidian (83.7% of the
excavations at residential locations. Only 61 surface collec-
obsidian pieces), whereas Classic excavated obsidian is pri-
tions produced no obsidian; these primarily represent heavily
marily related to prismatic blade production from imported,
disturbed features or contexts with very low artifact counts.
preformed cores of black to dark gray obsidian (90–95%)
Median obsidian sample size is 8 pieces, with a range of 1 to
(Heller 1997). Excavated Classic prismatic blades exhibit
737, the latter representing specialized prismatic blade pro-
primarily small, smooth platforms. Although no Postclassic
duction. Mean obsidian sample size is 14.4 pieces.
mounds were excavated, survey collections high in Postclassic
Prior to technological classification, PALM obsidian was
ceramics contain high percentages of clear gray prismatic
sorted by visual characteristics (i.e., color, texture, and trans-
blades with large ground platforms.
121
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Distribution of Prismatic Blade Production
Examination of obsidian tool production and consumption
patterns is an important axis along which to evaluate the
degree of elite economic involvement. The identification of
obsidian blade production loci is not straightforward and can
be especially difficult using only surface data, since the small
debitage often left at knapping locations is not normally
recovered. However, controlled survey collections provide
data on specific artifact types and their frequencies, which can
also indicate of possible production locations.
Ethnoarchaeological studies (Hayden and Cannon 1983)
suggest that care would have been taken to remove obsidian
debris from the household zone, with discard in such places
Fig. 5. Upper and lower quartiles of obsidian-to-rim sherd ratios
as pits, rivers, or ravines where disposal would not hinder
(rims>53). Black squares represent the upper quartile (higher
ratios) and open squares represent the lower quartile (lower
household activities. However, no indication of this type of
ratios). Dashed lines represent 500 m bands around the
disposal was noted during PALM excavations (or at nearby
centers of Sauce, Cerro de las Mesas, and Azuzules.
Matacapan [Santley 1989]), and no off-mound obsidian con-
centrations were noted during survey. Low levels of produc-
Instrumental neutron-activation analyses (INAA) of 201
tion and consumption and importation of preformed pris-
artifacts from survey (N=80) and excavation (N=121) indicate
matic cores would have yielded little debitage. As suggested
that the Preclassic clear gray flakes derive primarily from Pico
by Moholy-Nagy (1990:272,276) economy of effort dictates
de Orizaba, Veracruz, and neighboring Guadalupe Victoria,
that debitage is normally only moved as far as necessary to
Puebla; the Classic black and dark gray prismatic blades derive
eliminate it as a potential hazard or hindrance. For the PALM
almost exclusively from Zaragoza-Oyameles, Puebla. Clear
mounds this would be household midden areas or at the
gray prismatic pieces derive primarily from Pico de Orizaba
fringes of the mound houselots. Thus, one basic assumption
(see Stark et al. 1992 and Heller 1997 for a detailed description
for this analysis is that artifact collections reflect their asso-
of analytic procedures and results.) For the INAA sample,
ciated residential refuse.
visual group ascription proved quite reliable. Only 8.3% (N=15)
Our analysis of production patterns focuses on (1) the
of the pieces that had not been assigned to the indeterminate
distribution of collections with prismatic cores, core frag-
group were incorrectly assigned to a source. No green obsidian
ments, and other production indicators, including ridged
was sampled; all is assumed to derive from Pachuca, Hidalgo.
blades, core face flakes, transverse core flakes, initial series
Green obsidian comprises 6.7% of the surface collection, but it
blades, and plunging blades1 and (2) obsidian density as
is rare in excavated deposits, especially those representing
measured by obsidian-to-rim sherd ratios and (3) propor-
Classic occupations. It is most abundant in surface collections
tional comparisons of artifact types. Exhausted cores and
that contain Late Postclassic ceramics.
larger prismatic debitage may have been utilized as tools or
Although the majority of the PALM surface collections
recycled and, thus, may have been traded or scavenged, but
produced ceramic evidence for multi-component occupa-
our assumption is that, overall, deposition of these artifacts
tions, obsidian visual characteristics and technological vari-
can reveal production patterns. High obsidian densities (as
ation can be utilized to “un-mix” the obsidian into broad
measured by the obsidian-to-rim sherd ratio) would also be
temporal assignments. Based on covariance of color, technol-
expected where blade production occurred even if finished
ogy, and temporally diagnostic ceramics, we consider black/
tools left the area. Although total obsidian density alone has
dark gray prismatic blade technology to be primarily Classic
sometimes been used to identify probable production locali-
and the clear gray prismatic industry to be Postclassic. Be-
ties (e.g., Finsten 1983), high densities can also indicate
cause of the scant quantities of green obsidian, it is not used
obsidian use for other types of craft production (e.g., Michels
for chronological divisions.
1979:173–179). Production locations also might exhibit
Based on the source analyses, it appears that by the Middle
higher cortical percentages due to the initial stages of core
Postclassic period, Pico de Orizaba had replaced Zaragoza-
reduction (Sheets 1983), but cortex is scarce among PALM
Oyameles as the primary source for Mixtequilla prismatic
obsidian, occurring on 2.8% of pieces, and initial core prepa-
cores. Due to the mixed nature of most collections, it is still
ration debris is absent.2 More than a single type of analysis for
unclear to what extent Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian contin-
identifying blade production locations is desirable. We exam-
ued to be utilized. The black/dark gray visual group is greatly
ine obsidian distribution both spatially (centers versus coun-
diminished in collections high in Postclassic ceramics, and,
tryside) and temporally. Broad Classic and Postclassic vari-
due to the mixed nature of most collections, these pieces may
ations are discussed as well as more restricted scales using
largely represent Classic deposition. However, ground black/
temporal groupings of features statistically defined by other
dark gray blade platforms are twice as common in the Middle
authors (Curet et al. 1994; Stark and Curet 1994).
Postclassic subset (discussed below) as in the Epiclassic
The general pattern for blade production for the survey
sample (AD 700–900) (35.9% versus 14.6%) suggesting that
zone appears to be one of low-level production at the house-
some importation of Zaragoza-Oyameles material may have
hold level, with the exception of one Postclassic feature with
continued into the Middle Postclassic period and that it more
more intensive production, possibly a household workshop
122 frequently was treated with platform grinding.
(Heller and Massie 1986). Obsidian was present in 93.2% of
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
the collections, but production and distribution vary tempo-
rally and spatially.
Excluding the possible workshop, 186 obsidian prismatic
cores/core fragments are present in 12.9% (n=135) of the
collections that contained obsidian; when other probable
production indicators are added, 24.6% of collections with
obsidian contain production indicators. These same features
contained 48% of the total obsidian recovered; this is a higher
percentage than that of associated ceramics (30%). Produc-
tion indicators within individual collections are not numer-
ous. Where cores were present, normally only one was en-
countered (76.3% of cases with an indicator); multiple cores
were more common in Postclassic collections. When other
production indicators are considered in addition to cores, the
mean is 1.6 pieces per collection.
Fig. 6. Middle Classic subset. Triangles indicate collections with
black/dark gray production indicators. Dashed lines represent
500 m bands around the centers of Cerro de las Mesas and
Classic Period Production and Distribution Patterns
Azuzules.
Black/dark gray obsidian predominated among the Classic
period assemblages, and production indicators of this visual
or dispersed in the countryside. Black/dark gray production
category are present in about 12% of the 961 collections
indicators were recovered from 11.9% of the collected outly-
containing at least a trace of diagnostic Classic ceramics. This
ing features as compared to 15.6% of features within the
proportion of features with production indicators is compara-
major centers. This is a higher level of production than that of
ble to that of 10% reported for Monte Alban by Blanton
3% of collections with obsidian production indicators re-
(1978:96). However, distribution is not even across the sur-
ported at Quirigua for peripheral sites outside of the center
vey zone (Figure 3; Table 1). Black/dark gray cores tend to
core (Ashmore 1988:163).
cluster in the west near southeastern Sauce, a zone Drucker
The majority of production indicators (81.2%) from all
(1943) found to contain deep deposits of Classic material,
PALM features were found on low mounds (< 3.5 m in
around the south-central arm of Cerro de las Mesas, and in the
height), which were probably residential. Within Classic
east near Azuzules. Features with production indicators are
centers, mounds associated with production tend to be lower
least evident in the central survey zone.
structures. Bigger structures contain little evidence of pro-
It is useful to assess the role of centers both narrowly in
duction and tend to have low obsidian densities in general.
terms of the mapped formally arranged area and more broadly
For example, the more formal structures mapped at Azuzules
in terms of the immediate vicinity. Our discussion will
around the central plaza contained only one core fragment and
address centers as narrowly defined first, but the broader
low obsidian densities. At Cerro de las Mesas, the larger
perspective is assessed in the discussion section where we
structures located in the northeast sector contain no core
make a final assessment of the horizontal versus vertical
fragments, cores being most common in the south-central
perspectives on Mixtequilla economy. The large centers of
area associated with rather low structures (although two of the
Azuzules and Cerro de las Mesas contain only 18.5% of the
larger, possibly elite residential platforms also contain cores).3
features with black/dark gray production indicators (Figure
The Classic data suggest that prismatic blades produced
3; Table 1). The majority (70.8%) of the features containing
within the centers were probably also consumed there or that
some evidence of black/dark gray production are outside of
production for distribution beyond the center was at a modest
the zones of monumental architecture, at features near centers
level. The ratios of black/dark gray prismatic pieces to Classic
Number of
Number / % with
Number / % with
Collections
Classic
Postclassic
Locus
with
(Black/Dark Grey)
(Clear Grey)
Obsidian
P I in
P I in
P I
P I
500 m Band
500 m Band
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Outside of Centers
773
92 11.9%
n/a
93 12.0%
n/a
Cerro de las Mesas
125
13 10.4%
16 13.4%
15 12.0%
25 21.0%
Azuzules
29
11 37.9%
21 28.0%
1
1.3%
4
5.3%
Sauce
40
6 15.0%
11 19.6%
24 60.0%
23 41.1%
Beyond 500 m Band
549
49
8.9%
n/a
66 12.0%
n/a
Table 1. Collections that Contain Probable Production Indicators (P I).
123
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
distribution outside of the center; rather, they probably were
consumed within the center, largely by producing house-
holds.
Examination of obsidian density by feature for all periods,
measured by the total obsidian count-to-rim sherd ratios,
confirms the high amounts of obsidian within the major
centers. Figure 5 plots both the upper and lower quartiles of
obsidian-to-rim sherd ratios for collections with 53 or more
rims (representing all but the lower quartile for ceramic
collection size), with the black blocks representing the higher
ratios. The basic patterns are high densities at and near the
large centers. Low densities are evident in the central survey
zone.
In order to eliminate some of the temporal ambiguity
Fig. 7. Epiclassic subset. Triangles indicate collections with black/
produced by the multicomponent nature of most of the fea-
dark gray production indicators. Dashed lines represent 500
m bands around the centers of Cerro de las Mesas and
tures, previously defined subsets of both Classic and Post-
Azuzules.
classic features were examined. The statistical details for
feature selection and the associated ceramic diagnostics are
diagnostic rims are higher for centers than for the more
discussed for the Middle and Epiclassic periods by Stark and
dispersed population, suggesting higher rates of blade con-
Curet (1994) and for the Middle and Late Postclassic by Curet
sumption within the centers (Figure 4). This is true, even
et al. (1994). Figures 6 and 7 show Middle Classic (N=223)
though center collections may have higher percentages of
and Epiclassic (N=284) subsets of collections with black/
diagnostic rims than do their countryside counterparts, as the
dark gray production indicators for collections with ceramic
diagnostics tend to be the more decorated ceramic types to
diagnostics for the respective periods above the median.
which center inhabitants likely had favorable access. Black/
(Note that individual collections may appear on both Middle
dark gray core-to-proximal blade segment ratios for mounds
and Epiclassic plots. Most of these collections also contain
outside of centers (1 : 29.8) are comparable to those within
some evidence of Postclassic occupation.) In a comparison of
(1 : 26.7, excluding mound 1756), implying that the outlying
the Middle Classic and Epiclassic there is no indication of a
areas were not dependent on centers for blades.
decline in black/dark gray obsidian blade production or
Individual features containing production indicators also
consumption nor of a strong shift to the use of clear gray
tend to have high obsidian densities, including high numbers
obsidian (Table 2).
of utilized blade segments, suggesting much of the blade
consumption may have taken place within the producing
Postclassic Production and Distribution Patterns
households. (No usewear analysis was conducted for surface
Postclassic production differs in several ways from that of
obsidian, but most blade segments appeared to have been
the Classic period. Clear gray production indicators, which
utilized. Whole blades were rare and no concentrations of
cluster near Sauce, are present in 14.1% of collections with
unutilized blades were noted.) For example, at Azuzules
traces of Postclassic ceramics. This percentage is slightly
about 60% of the black/dark gray prismatic pieces derive
higher than the percentage for the Classic occupation.
from the one-third of features containing possible production
However, within Sauce 60.0% of the collected features
indicators. These same features contain only 28% of all rim
contain clear gray production indicators – a much more
sherds from the center. The ratio of black/dark gray prismatic
intensive pattern than seen during the Classic period (Fig-
blade fragments to Classic ceramic diagnostics is also consid-
ure 8, Table 1). Sauce also contains evidence of at least one
erably higher for these features (4.43) compared to the coun-
probable household-level obsidian workshop, mound 1756,
tryside (1.83). Thus, Classic data suggest that for production
outstanding in its concentration of cores and core reduc-
loci within centers, the blades may not have been destined for
tion debitage.
Obsidian-
Total
Black/Dark
Total
Period
Clear Gray
Green
to-Rim
Obsidian
Gray
Rims
Ratio
N
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Middle Classic
3312
1204 36.3
156
4.7
1948 58.8
25,517
.129
Epiclassic
4379
1084 24.8
382
8.7
2903 66.3
31,323
.139
Middle Postclassic
1859
1616 86.9
44
2.3
198 10.7
2,634
.256
Late Postclassic
409
185 45.2
136 33.3
91 22.2
1,259
.110
124
Table 2. Temporal Subsets and Amounts of Visual Categories of Obsidian.
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
bly even for distribution outside of the survey zone. Prismatic
blade-to-production indicator ratios are higher outside of the
center, suggesting that blades were leaving Sauce. There is,
however, greater access to blades within the center because
the prismatic blade-to-Postclassic ceramic ratio is higher
within the center, yet some blades appear to have been
destined for export.
The presence of at least one mound with production
beyond the household level and the large percentage of
households involved in some prismatic blade manufacture
suggest more economic interdependence than during the
Classic period.4 As discussed above, there may have been an
increased differential in access to blades at this time, with
blades becoming more “expensive” for the lowest class.
Fig. 8. Collections are plotted if they contain diagnostic Postclassic
rims. Triangles indicate collections with clear gray production
Distance from Sauce may also have affected access for the
indicators. Dashed lines represent a 500 m band around the
eastern survey area.
center of Sauce.
There appears not only to have been a change in source
utilization between the Classic and Postclassic periods, but
Mound 1756 is a rather small, low structure at the southern
also in the form of imported cores. Ratios for both black/dark
perimeter of the center, containing evidence of domestic
gray and green prismatic blades to cores are considerably
refuse such as comales and metates. The collection consists of
higher than for clear gray obsidian. This initially suggested to
737 pieces of obsidian, primarily clear gray, including 91
me that some black/dark gray and green blades were im-
prismatic cores but only 362 prismatic blade fragments (1.5
ported. However, the blade-to-core ratios for these types of
proximal blade fragments per core). If a core is assumed to
obsidian fall well within what has been suggested as probable
produce up to 150 prismatic blades (Sheets 1978), only 1% of
for core reduction, 1 : 150 (Clark 1986:38). It is the proportion
the probable blades produced were recovered. (However, the
of clear gray blades to cores that is lower than what might be
size of preformed imported cores, as discussed below, would
expected.
have affected this ratio.) These data indicate at least part-time
While this could represent the export of blades to outlying
specialized production of prismatic blades for distribution
zones beyond the survey, it is more likely that the low ratios
beyond the household level (Heller and Massie 1987). Nu-
are conditioned by the size of the imported cores. Pico de
merous cores were also noted on at least one adjacent struc-
Orizaba cores are considerably smaller than cores from
ture that could not be collected, suggesting the possibility of
Oyameles/Zaragoza or Pachuca due to geologic differences.
a zone of residential specialized production. The location and
Stocker and Cobean (1984:92) report cores at the Pico mines
nature of the structures do not strongly suggest elite involve-
as small, generally 6–8 cm in diameter and 7–12 cm long.
ment because mound 1756 is at the perimeter of the Sauce
Two cores from the survey that had been discarded due to
center away from public construction.
flaws prior to much reduction measured between 5–6.5 cm in
Previous analysis of obsidian consumption rates at Cerro
length and 4–5 cm in diameter. We are not aware of published
de las Mesas (Stark and Heller 1991) and the high obsidian-
reports regarding the size of Zaragoza/Oyameles cores. How-
to-rim sherd ratios for Sauce (Table 2) suggest an increase in
ever, cores that we photographed in 1989 near the source area
obsidian consumption in the Postclassic period. PALM data
and that we assume to derive from it measured approximately
indicate that distribution of Postclassic prismatic blades may
have been more uneven than that of the Classic period. Sauce,
representing only a small proportion (4%) of the collections
with traces of Postclassic ceramics, contains about one-
quarter of all clear gray obsidian. Also, there are almost twice
as many collections containing Postclassic diagnostics that
lack clear gray prismatic blades as there are collections
containing Classic diagnostics with no black-dark gray blades
(Figure 9). Clear gray obsidian is especially scarce in the
eastern sector and in the zone directly west of Sauce.
Figures 10 and 11 show the Middle and Late Postclassic
subsets as defined by Curet et al. (1994). A much higher
percentage of the Middle Postclassic collections contain
production indicators compared to any of the Classic period
subsets. Within Sauce, prismatic cores were present in 62% of
collections versus 22% of the features outside of any centers.
Fig. 9. Collections with Postclassic ceramic diagnostics but no clear
gray obsidian are represented by a square. Collections with
By the Late Postclassic period, the evidence of clear gray
Classic ceramic diagnostics but no black/dark gray obsidian
prismatic production dramatically drops off, as does the
are represented by a triangle. Collections with both Classic
obsidian-to-rim sherd ratio (Table 2).
and Postclassic ceramic diagnostics but no black/dark gray or
clear gray obsidian are represented by a circle. Dashed lines
The Postclassic pattern suggests that Sauce was manufac-
represent a 500 m band around the centers of Sauce, Cerro de
turing blades for consumption outside of the center, or possi-
las Mesas, and Azuzules.
125
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
about the same or slightly higher proportions of collections
with production indicators as the centers. The collections
beyond the 500 m band have a still lower proportion (Table 1).
The distinction for clear gray obsidian among Sauce, its
associated 500m band, and more distant areas is more marked
than that for black/dark gray obsidian. Survey of a larger area
might show that quite distant locales contrast with the area
studied so far, showing even less blade production. In other
words, blade production may continue to decline with dis-
tance from the major centers, but investigation of this possi-
bility must await additional survey.
Although we have focused on the two major centers of
Azuzules and Cerro de las Mesas, Figure 3 shows that lesser
formal complexes have very few production indicators. This
Fig: 10. Middle Postclassic subset. Triangles indicate collections
with clear gray production indicators. Dashed lines represent
contrast with the two major centers may indicate a more
a 500 m band around the center of Sauce.
prominent role in obsidian procurement and processing for
the major complexes compared to smaller ones and thus a
20 cm in length and 15 cm in diameter. These would have
degree of centralized control.
supplied considerably more blades per core than the smaller
For horizontally integrated economies, centers act more as
Pico de Orizaba cores.
consumers of craft items rather than loci of production. For
Classic Mixtequilla, it would appear that centers were also
Discussion
producers, at least for their own consumption needs and possi-
What can the distribution patterns discussed above tell us
bly for occasional distribution of blades beyond the centers the
about the nature of the Mixtequilla economy? The picture is
possibility of related craft. The higher density of blades within
complex. Occupants of higher-order centers appear to have
the centers also suggests production utilizing blades.
controlled the obsidian system, but not in all respects. The fact
The Middle Postclassic period witnessed a marked change
that households within centers enjoyed increased access to
in obsidian tool production. Production was still focused on
obsidian has been noted elsewhere (e.g., Bove 1981; Finsten
prismatic blades, but using smaller cores with ground plat-
1983:232, 347; Mallory 1984; Sidrys 1976) and has been used
forms supplied from Pico de Orizaba. Production within the
to infer elite control of blade production. However, as Mallory
single center of Sauce was more intensive, including a prob-
(1984) has pointed out, a similar pattern may occur for a
able specialized workshop, supplementing the blade supply
simple market economy with elites or center occupants being
of more rural households. Access to blades for some of the
better able to afford the obsidian. The greater access to
population apparently declined. Thus, the Mixtequilla obsid-
obsidian within the Mixtequilla centers compared to the
ian economy changed over time and acquired a greater verti-
countryside, together with consistent procurement over hun-
cal emphasis in the Middle Postclassic period.
dreds of years suggests that centers controlled the procure-
Data from the PALM survey do not neatly fit the expec-
ment of obsidian cores and their redistribution in some
tations for strongly horizontally integrated lowland econo-
manner. For the Maya area Dreiss and Brown (1989) have
mies as previously outlined but, rather, exhibit some charac-
suggested regionally organized systems with elite-controlled
teristics associated with vertical integration, i.e., more a
redistributive centers that may have been linked to sources by
mixture of economic principles and also display at least on
long-term trade agreements and that administered the pro-
episode of reorganization toward greater vertical integration.
curement of obsidian. Such a model may be applicable to the
Similar problems of interpretation of elite involvement in
Mixtequilla as well.
lowland obsidian systems have been noted elsewhere
That both the Classic and Postclassic centers did not
(McAnany 1989:359).
strongly monopolize production is evident in the fact that in
both periods more residential locations outside of centers
were involved in production than within. Some of these
features cluster quite close to major centers but others are
sufficiently distant and abundant that direct control of blade
production by the center seems unlikely. Production is thus
fairly common beyond centers, but proportionally fewer
locations appear to have been involved than within centers.
However, residences in the immediate vicinity of the major
centers can legitimately be viewed as part of the center
residential area. This involves the broader concept of the
center mentioned previously. There is no distinct cluster of
occupation around the formal areas, but residences within,
say, 500 m are so close that they could be viewed as part of the
center. If we examine obsidian production indicators for this
Fig. 11. Late Postclassic subset. Triangles indicate collections with
enlarged center area, the collections within the 500 m band
clear gray production indicators. Dashed lines represent a
126 around the centers of Cerro de las Mesas and Azuzules have
500 m band around the center of Sauce.
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
For obsidian, much of the coastal lowlands differs from
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mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Rediscovery of La Milpa Stela 4
Nikolai Grube and Norman Hammond
When J. Eric S. Thompson first explored the site of La Milpa,
9 in 1996, the latter is of a different stone (Nicholas Dunning
northwestern Belize, in March 1938, he recorded a line of
and Timothy Beach, personal communications) and cannot
stelae along the eastern margin of the Great Plaza (Plaza A)
be the missing base of Stela 4.
in front of Structures 1–5 (Thompson 1938, Hammond 1991:
Fig. 2). He numbered them from Stela 1, at the north end of
Description
the line in front of Structure 4, progressively southwards to
Stela 4 is carved on both broad faces, and also on one edge
Stela 12, in front of the large pyramid Strcuture 3. Since
where part of the design overlaps. The images on the faces are
Thompson’s time, several further monuments have been
so similar that the terms “front” and “back” are difficult to
found (Stelae 13–18: Fig. 1), and it has also been shown that
apply: for the sake of description, the face on which the dwarf
some of those he recorded are both fragmentary and also no
stands to the viewer’s right is taken as the “front”, if only
longer in their original dedicatory locations (Hammond and
because this composition is also used on the front of Stela 12
Bobo 1994).
(Grube 1994: Fig. 3a), which also has a plain back. This face
of Stela 4 is slightly less-well preserved than the other (Fig.
Rediscovery of Stela 4
2) from the waist of the principal figure upwards. It shows a
The study by Hammond and Bobo (1994:22) noted the
richly dressed principal figure with a belt mask, belt attach-
absence, when renewed exploration of La Milpa began in
ment with seven large and six small celts, and “epaulettes”.
1992, of Stela 4, which Thompson (1938: field notes) had
Long lines on both sides of the figure survive from the
found “fallen v, weathered. Once carved, butt may be in
depiction of a once elaborate feather headdress. The figure is
ground”. Noting that Thompson gives the height as 1.86 m,
shown in frontal position with legs apart. Between the legs is
much shorter than any of the complete stelae at La Milpa but
the faintly preserved figure of a bird pointing up with its beak.
comparable with the fragmentary Stelae 1, 2, 3 and 6, they
To the right is the profile figure of a dancing dwarf dressed as
suggested that “Stela 4 is probably buried under looter’s
a ballplayer. He wears a belt and knee protectors, in his right
rubble, but this suggests that it, too, was a fragmentary
hand he holds a round object (a ball?). The headdress is a
monument and quite possibly had not been reerected”.
forward-sweeping arrangement of cloth, fastened by several
In 1996 a program of investigation and clearance on the
strings knotted around the forehead. This headdress is con-
east side of the Great Plaza began, including removal of the
sistently found with dwarves, although it is also used by rulers
large heaps of looter’s rubble in front of Structure 1, derived
(Houston 1992: 527). Another figure may have been to the
from several massive tunnels that had been driven into the
left of the principal figure, but that part of the face is almost
western side of the mound. A deliberate search was made for
completely eroded. The dwarf was identified by two, now
Stela 4 prior to general clearance, and within 20 minutes of
effaced glyph blocks above his head. Although no traces of
work beginning it was found, precisely where Thompson had
recorded it, some 5 metres north of Stela 5 (Fig. 1). The stela
was lying flat, with the head to the east; the topmost portion
was broken off at shoulder level on the figures carved on each
side, and the shortness of the uncarved butt also suggested
truncation (as had been attempted, unsuccessfully, on Stela 2
(Grube 1994: 224, Fig. 8). Since Thompson’s visit, the stela
has cracked across the middle, probably because of the weight
of the rubble piled on it; his recorded dimensions of 1.86 ×
1.02 × 0.34 metres are fairly accurate.
In view of the truncated state of Stela 4, and the absence
of its topmost and basal portions, it seemed likely, as noted
above, that it had been moved prior to intended resetting; a
search was made around the base for a pit, with negative
results. The Stela was either reerected in topsoil, like Stelae
3 and 6, or abandoned while still recumbent, like Stelae 1 and
2; its position between two reset monuments, and Thompson’s
ambigous note that its companion Stela 5 was in 1938 “lean-
ing back; now fallen” suggest that the former is slightly more
likely. Stela 4 is made of creamy-white limestone, of good
quality within the range of stone types available to the
sculptors of La Milpa; while its cross-section matches in size
Fig. 1 The Great Plaza at La Milpa, showing the locations of Stelae
the butt of Stela 18 found in situ in the stairway of Structure
1–18.
129
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
Fig. 2 La Milpa Stela 4, front
the hieroglyphs are left, it is likely that they spelled the word
Fig. 3 La Milpa Stela 4, back
mas, identifying the dwarf as a “goblin, fright” (Houston
1992: 529).
The back side almost appears to be a mirror-image of the
portion of the front. With this monument Stela 4 also shares
front. The principal iconographical elements are the same,
the wrap-around design of the headdress feathers which leave
although side-inverted. At a first glance one is tempted to
no space for side-texts. Considering that the figures are
interpret one side just as the back of the other. The presence
incomplete from the shoulders up and lacking head and
of belt masks on both sides makes this alternative less likely,
probably an elaborate headdress, the assumption can be made
although the feather design on one of the smaller sides seems
that the monument originally must have reached the consid-
to connect the headdresses on both faces.
erable height of 2.50–3.00 metres, comparable with Stelae 7,
It is not necessary to repeat the description of all elements
8, 12, and 15 and probably Stelae 2 and 11 when they were
on the back of Stela 4: we see the same standing principal
complete.
figure with a belt mask standing in frontal position with its
legs apart. Between the legs and under the loincloth is a bird
The Dwarf-and-Bird Motif
figure, now better preserved than on the other face, with well
Stelae with the depiction of dwarves are quite common in
carved feathers. To the left of the main figure stands a dwarf,
the corpus of Maya art (Miller 1985, Mayer 1986, Coggins
he looks towards the main figure and carries the same tied
1989). Dwarves are sinister beings associated with the
headdress as the dwarf on the other face. Whether this dwarf
Underworld and the abode of the dead (Houston 1992: 530;
also was shown in dancing position is not discernable because
Miller 1985: 143). Dancing dwarves are rarely shown on
of the complete obliteration of this part of the monument.
stelae but represent a common motif on polychrome ceram-
Faint traces of arm protection can still be recognized, suggest-
ics, especially in an iconographic ensemble known as the
ing that he too was a ballplayer, and like his counterpart on the
“Holmul Dancer” after the first appearance on vessels from
other side, he also is identified by a caption of two glyph
that site (Merwin and Vaillant 1932: plates 29a, c; 30a, c;
blocks.
Reents 1985, 1991). The Holmul Dancer motif shows one or
Except for these panels associated with the dwarves, no
more richly dressed Maize Gods with elaborate backracks
other inscription has survived on the monument. Since some
(Reents 1991: 217). These Maize Gods are displayed in a
of the feather design from the headdress wraps around the
dancing position. Several examples of this iconographic
side, it is unlikely that the sides were carved with hieroglyphic
ensemble on ceramics show the Maize Gods dancing in
text. If the stela had an inscription, it could have been written
company of dwarves (Gann 1918: Plates 26–28; Smith
in the upper, now broken part of the monument, not unlike
1955: fig. 2b). On a few examples, hieroglyphic captions
some of the late Xultun monuments. Another possibility for
state that in these scenes the Maize God is emerging from the
130 the text could have been as on Stela 8 – L-shaped in an upper
Underworld. The role of the dwarf is less clear; it seems that
mexicon
Vol. XX
Dezember 1998
he assists the dancing Maize God in his endeavour to emerge
meaning. Unfortunately, the hieroglyphic texts of monu-
from the abode of the dead.
ments with this motif do not provide clues to its understand-
The dwarf on the front of Stela 4 is unusual in that he does
ing. The discovery of further examples of this motif will
not hold one of two standard items carried by dwarves in their
eventually shed more light onto this specific scene. La Milpa
hands, which are either hafted objects that apparently have
Stela 4 therefore is an important addition to this small corpus.
soft tips (El Peru Stela 34, Dos Pilas Stela 25, Xultun Stelae
10, 23, 24, 25) or K’awil sceptres (Caracol Stelae 5, 6, 9, 11,
Date
21). The dwarf on the front grasps a round object which is
Dwarves do not appear in Early Classic Maya art, and their
probably a ball.
portraits on stelae are more common in the eastern than in the
Dwarves in ballgame attire or ballgame contexts are
western part of the lowlands. The earliest dated image of a
extremely rare. A famous example for this composition is
dwarf on a stela appears on Caracol Stela 1 at 9.8.0.0.0, while
Step VII from the Hieroglyphic Stairway of Structure 33 at
the last dated representation of a dwarf on a stela is on Xultun
Yaxchilan. Here, two dwarves – identified hieroglyphically
Stela 10, dated 10.3.0.0.0. These dates provide a loose chrono-
as ch’at “hunchback” are watching Bird Jaguar IV playing
logical anchor for the dating of La Milpa Stela 4 which
ball in an Underworld location.
correlates well with the Late Classic style of the sculpture.
Representations of birds are not uncommon in Maya art
The overall similarity of style, size and representation of the
and are found sometimes on stelae. On two stelae (Dos Pilas
main figure with Stelae 7 suggests a date not too far from its
Stelae 14 and 15), on the wooden lintel from Tikal Structure
9.17.10.0.0 Long Count date. A more precise dating is impos-
5D-52, and on a jade found in the Cenote of Sacrifice at
sible due to the lack of text.
Chichen Itza (Proskourikoff 1974: 207), a water bird –
The depiction of dwarves in ballgame attire probably
identified as such by a fish in its beak – and a dwarf figure
connects this monument with one of the two roughly contem-
occur together flanking the principal figure. The dwarf-and-
porary (Terminal Classic), but dissimilar ballcourts at La
bird motif forms an iconographic ensemble of still unknown
Milpa (Schultz, Gonzalez and Hammond 1994). The original
location of the stela is unknown; a placement close to one of
the ballcourts would establish a meaningful connection be-
tween the iconography and its location.
References
Coggins, Clemency Chase
1989
Man, woman and dwarf. Paper presented at the Primer Congreso Internacional
de mayistas, San Cristobal, Chiapas, Mexico, August 17, 1989.
Gann, Thomas W. F.
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The Maya Indians of Southern Yucatan and Northern British Honduras.
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Washington D.C.
Grube, Nikolai
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A Preliminary Report on the Monuments and Inscriptions of La Milpa, Orange
Walk, Belize. Baessler Archiv, Neue Folge, Band XLII: 217–238.
Hammond, Norman
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The discovery of La Milpa. Mexicon 13(2): 46–50.
Hammond, Norman and Matthew R. Bobo
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Pilgrimage’s last mile: Late Maya monument veneration at La Milpa, Belize.
World Archaeology 26(1): 19–34
Houston, Stephen D.
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A Name Glyph for Classic Maya Dwarfs. In: The Maya Vase Book Vol. 3,
edited by Justin Kerr: 526–531. Kerr Associates, New York.
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Hieroglyphs and History at Dos Pilas. Dynastic Politics of the Classic Maya.
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(4): 212–224. Berlin.
Merwin, Raymond E. and George C. Vaillant
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American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 3, no. 2. Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass.
Miller, Virginia E.
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The Dwarf Motif in Classic Maya Art. In: Fourth Palenque Round Table, 1980,
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Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute, San Francisco.
Proskouriakoff, Tatiana
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Jades from the Cenote of Sacrifice, Chichen Itza, Mexico. Memoirs from the
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 10, no. 1. Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.
Reents-Budet, Dorie
Fig. 4 The dwarf-and-bird motif on Dos Pilas Stela 14 (Drawing by
1985
The Late Classic Maya Holmul Style Polychrome Pottery. Ph.D. dissertation,
Stephen D. Houston after Houston 1993: Fig. 3-24)
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mexicon
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worden war. Als 1996 nach der Stele gesucht wurde konnte sie tatsächlich
1991
The “Holmul Dancer” Theme in Maya Art. In: Sixth Palenque Round Table,
an der von Thompson beschriebenen Stelle unter Schutt ausgegraben
1986, edited by Merle Greene Robertson and Virginia M. Fields: 217–222.
werden. Die spät- oder endklassische Stele zeigt auf beiden Seiten die
University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London.
gleiche Szene, eine Figur in Frontansicht und das ikonographische Motiv
Schultz, Kevan C., Jason J. Gonzalez, and Norman Hammond
“Zwerg und Vogel”, das eine relativ weite Verbreitung vor allem im Osten
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RESUMEN: El rediscubrimiento de la Estela 4 de La Milpa, Orange Walk,
Institute, Tulane University, Publication No. 20. New Orleans.
Belice. Eric Thompson descubrió una estela en La Milpa en frente de la
Thompson, John Eric S.
Estructura 1–5. La llamó Estela 4. Cuando empezó la investigación
1938
Reconnaisance and excavation in British Honduras. Pp. 16–17 in Annual
arqueológica en el sitio en 1990, se notaron la falta de este monumento y
Report of the Division of Historical Research, 1937–38, Carnegie Institution
se presumieron que la estela quedó enterrada bajo escombro dejado por
of Washington Year Book 37: 1–37. Carnegie Institution of Washington,
‘huaqueros’. Cuando se buscaban sistematicamente por el monumento en
Washington, D.C.
1996 se lograron a localizarlo precisamente en el lugar definido por
Thompson. El monumento es del clasico tardío ó terminal y muestra la
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Die Wiederentdeckung von La Milpa Stele 4.
misma iconografía en los dos lados, una figura de vista frontal y el motivo
Eric Thompson entdeckte 1938 eine Stele in La Milpa vor Struktur 1-5, die
iconográfico “pájaro y enano”, que tiene una gran distribución
er Stele 4 nannte. Als 1990 die archäologische Erforschung La Milpas
especialmente en el oriente de las tierras bajas. La falta de jeroglíficos
begann, konnte die Stele nicht mehr gefunden worden und es wurde
acompañando la escena limita mucho la posibilidad de interpretar la estela
vermutet, daß sie unter Schutt lag, der von Grabräubern zurückgelassen
y su iconografía.
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Vol. 6, No. 33, Septiembre–Octubre 1998
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16–23; Gallareta Negrón, Tomás: Isla Cerritos, Yucatán, pp. 24–31;
(1883–1960), p. 32; Lozano Ordóñez, José Carlos: Museo de sitio y
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28–37; Taube, Karl A.: Enemas rituales en Mesoamérica, pp. 38–
Joaquín: Análisis metalúrgico, p. 45; González Lauck, Rebecca B.:
45; Guilliem Arroyo, Salvador: El Templo Calendárico de México-
La Venta, Tabasco, pp. 46–49; González Lauck, Rebecca B.: Matthew
Tlatelolco, pp. 46–53; Baudot, Georges: La brujería española
Williams Stirling (1896–1975), p. 48; García-Bárcena, Joaquín:
importada a México por fray Andrés de Olmos, pp. 54–57; Alberro,
Radar de penetración, p. 48; González Lauck, Rebecca B.:
Solange: Las “abusiones” de origen prehispánico, pp. 58–63;
Prospección arqueológica con equipo moderno en La Venta, p. 49;
Ramírez Castañeda, Elisa: Sobre los pasos de los ancestros, pp. 64–
Tovalín Ahumada, Alejandro: Bonampak, pp. 50–53; Agustín Villagra
71; Navarrete, Carlos: Ritualismo agrícola en los Altos Cuchumatanes,
Caleti (1907–1985), p. 52; Lombardo de Ruiz, Sonia: Los murales
de Cacaxtla, p. 53; García-Bárcena, Joaquín: Mamutes de Santa
Guatemala, p. 72
Isabel Iztapan, pp. 54–57; García-Bárcena, Joaquín: Pablo Martínez
THE ARTIFACT, El Paso Archaeological Society, P.O. Box 4345,
del Río (1892–1963), p. 56; Morett, Luis, Joaquín Arroyo-Cabrales
y Oscar J. Polaco: El sitio paleontológico de Tocuila, p. 57; García-
El Paso, TX 79914, USA, ISSN 0004-3680
Bárcena, Joaquín: Análisis polínico, p. 57; González Cruz, Arnoldo:
Vol. 34, No. 1/2, 1996
El Templo de las Inscripciones, pp. 58–61; Izquierdo, Ana Luisa:
Sutherland, Kay: Spirits from the south [Mesoamerica], pp. 1–101
133
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Dezember 1998
BAESSLER ARCHIV, Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin / Dietrich
CARAVELLE, Cahiers du Monde Hispanique et Luso-Brésilien,
Reimer Verlag, Unter den Eichen 57, 12203 Berlin, Germany, ISSN
Université Toulouse-Le Mirail, 56 rue du Taur, 31000 Toulouse,
0005-3856
France, ISSN 0008-0152
N.F. Band 44, H. 2, 1996
No. 67, 1996
Chinchilla Mazariegos, Oswaldo: “Peor es nada”: el origen de las
Dehouve, Danièle: Les élites indiennes du Mexique central face à la
esculturas de Cotzumalguapa en el Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin,
conquête espagnole, pp. 9–21; Dauzier, Martine: Élites indiennes au
pp. 295–357; Swanton, Michael und Bas van Doesburg: Some
Chiapas: Creation sous influence et réappropiation ethnique (1970–
observations on the last lienzo de Santa Maria Ixcatlan (Lienzo Seler
1985), pp. 155–169
I), pp. 359–377; von Winning, Hasso und Thomas S. Barthel: Zur
No. 70, 1998
Bedeutung der dreifarbigen Gesichtsbemalung auf Götterbildern
Magni, Caterina: Imagerie de la caverne-miroir dans l’art du Mexique
der Codex Borgia-Gruppe, pp. 379–399
ancien, pp. 5–28; Johansson, K. Patrick: Moctezuma II.: Crónica de
una muerte anunciada, pp. 29–54
BEITRÄGE ZUR ALLGEMEINEN UND VERGLEICHENDEN
ARCHÄOLOGIE, Kommission für Allgemeine und Vergleichende
COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN SOCIETY AND HISTORY,
Archäologie des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Bonn / Verlag
Cambridge University Press, The Edinburgh Building, Shaftesbury
Philipp von Zabern, Mainz, Germany, ISSN 0170-9518
Road, Cambridge CB2 2RU, U.K. / 40 West 20th Street, New York,
Bd. 17, 1997
N.Y. 10011, USA., ISSN 0010-4175
Reindel, Markus: Xkipché: Eine Mayasiedlung im nördlichen
Vol. 39, No. 1, January 1997
Yucatán, Mexiko, pp. 177–250 [includes a spanish translation, pp.
Davis, Diane E., and Viviane Bracket-Márquez: Rethinking
227–248]; Wagner, I. B. und G. A. Wagner: Thermolumineszenz-
democracy: Mexico in historical perspective, pp. 86–119
Datierung an Gefäßkeramik des Fundplatzes Xkipché/Yucatán, pp.
Vol. 39, No. 2, April 1997
251–255; Hermes Cifuentes, Bernard A., Raúl Noriega Girón und Z.
Gruzinski, Serge, and Nathan Wachtel: Cultural interbreedings:
Calderón Santizo: Investigación arqueológica y trabajos de
Constituting the majority as a minority, pp. 231–250; Brandes,
conservación en el Edificio 216 de Yaxhá, pp. 257–309; Fialko
Stanley: Sugar, colonialism, and death: On the origins of Mexico’s
Coxemans, Vilma: Arqueología regional de intersitios entre los
Day of the Dead, pp. 270–299
centros urbanos mayas de Yaxhá y Nakum, pp. 311–324
CRITIQUE OF ANTHROPOLOGY, A Journal for the Critical
Bd. 18, 1998
Reconstruction of Anthropology, Sage Publications, 6 Bonhill St.,
Cifuentes, Bernard Hermes: Cerámica maya del noreste del Petén,
London EC2A 4PU, U.K. / P.O. Box 5096, Thousand Oaks, CA
Guatemala: análisis de nueve sitios arqueológicos del programa de
91359, USA, ISSN 0308-275X
rescate, pp. 331–347
Vol. 17, No. 3, September 1997
BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Elsevier Science
McDonald, James H.: A fading Aztec sun: The Mexican opposition
Ltd., Bampfylde St., Exeter EX1 2AH, UK, ISSN 0261-3050
and the politics of everyday fear in 1994, pp. 263–292
Vol. 15, No. 2, May 1996
Vol. 17, No. 4, December 1997
Martin, C. J.: Economic strategies and moral principles in the
Feinberg, Benjamin: Three Mazatec wise ones and their books, pp.
survival of poor households in Mexico: An urban and rural
411–437
comparison, pp. 193–210; Kampwirth, Karen: Creating space in
Vol. 18, No. 3, September 1998
Chiapas: An analysis of the strategies of the Zapatista Army and the
Gutmann, Matthew C.: For whom the Taco Bell tolls: Popular
rebel government in transition, pp. 261–267
responses to NAFTA south of the border, pp. 297–315
Vol. 15, No. 3, Sept. 1996
CUADERNOS CULTURALES, Instituto de Cultura de Campeche,
Siembieda, William J.: Looking for a place to live: Transforming the
Calle 12 No. 156 (altos) entre 57 y 59, Zona Centro, Campeche,
urban ejido, pp. 371–385
Campeche CP 24000, Mexico
CAMBRIDGE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL, McDonald
Año 1, No. 1, Agosto 1993
Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge,
Piña Chan, Román: Plataforma de los Cuchillos: Edzná, 1970, pp.
Downing St., Cambridge CB2 3ER, UK, ISSN 0959-7743
5–22; Millet Cámara, Luis: Etzná, Campeche: el Juego de Pelota,
Vol. 5, No. 2, October 1995
pp. 23–38; Boucher, Sylviane: La cerámica itzá y foránea de los
Folan, William J., et al.: Verification of a Maya settlement model
Complejos VI y XI de Edzná, Campeche, pp. 39–65
through remote sensing, pp. 277–283
Año 1, No. 2, Noviembre 1993
Vol. 6, No. 2, October 1996
Carrasco V., Ramón: Edificios de torres: un problema arquitectónico,
pp. 3–22; Piña Chan, Román y Beatriz Barba Ahuatzin: Mascarones
Bricker, Harvey M., and Victoria R. Bricker: Astronomical references
zoomorfos del estilo Río Bec, pp. 23–42; Ramayo Lanz, Teresa:
in the throne inscription of the Palace of the Governor at Uxmal, pp.
Estrategia política regional: Campeche y Quintana Roo 1934–
191–229
1940, pp. 43–59
CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIB-
Año 1, No. 3, Diciembre 1993
BEAN STUDIES, Faculté de Droit Civil, Pavillon Leblanc 120,
Victoria Ojeda, Jorge: Campeche en la circunscripción del caribe
Université d’Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5, Canada, ISSN
español, pp. 3–16; Domínguez Carrasco, María del Rosario: El
0826-3663
recinto superior del Edificio VII de Calakmul, Campeche, pp. 11–54
Vol. 19, No. 37–38, 1994
Año 1, No. 4, Enero 1994
Lapointe, Marie: Les origines de l’insurrection indienne de 1847 au
Delfín Quezada-D., Ricardo: Las costas de Campeche en el siglo
Yucatán, pp. 155–187; Lovell, W. George: The century after
XVI: su papel en la conquista de Yucatán, pp. 21–28; Arnaiz Burne,
independence: Land and life in Guatemala, 1821–1920, pp. 243–
Stella Marís y Alfredo César Dachary: Campeche y la costa oriental
134 260
de Yucatán: tiempos y espacios comunes, pp. 45–49
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Año 1, No. 5, Febrero 1994
Guanajuato, pp. 29–40; Ramos de la Vega, Jorge, Lorenza López
Alvarez Aguilar, Luis Fernando: Crónica ecoarqueológica del la
Mestas y Carlos Santos: Conjuntos habitacionales en los sitios del
Isla Triste, pp. 3–16; Piña Chan, Román y Jorge Harada Prieto:
noroeste de Guanajuato, pp.41–50; Sánchez Correa, Sergio:
Hipótesis en torno al nombre de Edzná, pp. 33–38
Comentarios sobre algunos sitios arqueológicos localizados al
Año 1, No. 6, Marzo 1994
suroeste de Guanajuato, pp. 51–57; Crespo, Ana María y Juan
Dzib Can, Ubaldo: Los secretos de un curandero, pp. 7–11; Gantús,
Carlos Saint-Charles: Formas arquitectónicas del Bajío: la división
Fausta: El poder de curar el espíritu y la materia: los hmenes,
en cuadrantes del espacio ceremonial, pp. 58–63; Castañeda, Carlos
sacerdotes y médicos, pp. 13–18; Dzib Can, Ubaldo: Religión y ritos
y Yolanda Cano: La arquitectura monumental de San Bartolo Agua
en la medicina tradicional: relatos de un yerbatero, pp. 19–22;
Caliente, pp. 64–72; Brambila, Rosa y Carlos Castañeda: Los
Gantús, Fausta: El oficio de partera, pp. 23–24; Dzib Can, Ubaldo:
basamentos con espacios hundidos, pp. 73–78; Crespo, Ana María:
La partera indígena, pp. 25–28; Gantús, Fausta: Historia de una
Estructuras de planta circular en el Bajío, pp. 79–87; Brambila,
partera, pp. 29–38; Chan May, Guadalupe: Textos traducidos al
Rosa, Ana María Crespo y Juan Carlos Saint-Charles, pp. 88–95
maya, pp. 39–56
Núm. 26, Enero 1994
Año 1, No. 7, Abril 1994
Ramírez Vázquez, Pedro: Influencia de la arquitectura prehispánica
García Cruz, Florentino: Aspecto social y político del Proyecto
en mi arquitectura, pp. 4–14; Arancón García, Ricardo: Los valores
Arqueológico Etzná, pp. 3–24; Contreras Acereto, Gabriela: Los
de la arquitectura prehispánica en las composiciones de Ramírez
jesuitas y la educación en la Nueva España y Campeche: 1572–
Vázquez, pp. 15–26; Vargas Salguero, Ramón: La obra del arquitecto
1767, pp. 25–30; Carrasco V., Ramón: Consideraciones sobre el
Pedro Ramírez Vázquez, pp. 27–30; Cejudo Collera, Mónica: La
Postclásico en la provincia de los cehaches, pp. 31–42
conquista espiritual de México y su culminación en la Basílica de
Guadalupe, pp. 31–41; Cejudo Collera, Mónica: Breve comentario
Año 1, No. 8, Mayo–Julio 1994
sobre la presencia prehipánica en la Expo-Sevilla 92, pp. 42–46;
Ortega Cam, Roberto: Importancia de la conservación del patrimonio
Robina y Rothiot , Ricardo de: Notas sobre la teoría de la visualidad
histórico-arquitectónico del la Ciudad de Campeche, pp. 3–26;
pura en relación con la arquitectura mesoamericana, pp. 47–51;
Miranda Ojeda, Pedro: Desalojo y explotación en comunidades
Siller, Juan Antonio y Víctor Rivera: Reconocimiento arquitectónico
indígenas en Campeche: siglos XVI–XVII, pp. 27–32
en Belice, Centroamérica, del 1 al 13 marzo de 1991: consideraciones
CUADERNOS DE ARQUITECTURA MESOAMERICANA
generales, marzo de 1991, pp. 52–90; Arancón García, Ricardo:
Pedro Ramírez Vázquez-Semblanza, pp. 91–94
Núm. 23, Enero 1993
Chávez de Ortega, Estefanía: El diálogo y la investigación
Núm. 27, Febrereo 1994
interdisciplinarias, pp. 3–12; Ortega Chávez, Germán: Teorías
Brambila, Rosa: Fuentes bibliográficas sobre la arquitectura de
urbanas mayas y mexicas, una comparación, pp. 13–22; Novoa
Teotihuacán (1865–1991), pp. 3–96
Magallenes, César: El ser urbano en Tenochtitlán, pp. 23–28;
Núm. 28, Febrero 1995
Martínez de la Macorra, Cecilia: Elementos urbanos en México
Molina, Augusto: Palenque: la ciudad arqueológica de hoy, pp. 4–
Tenochtitlán, pp. 29–36; Morales Schechinger, Carlos: Propiedad
14; Robina, Ricardo de: Consideraciones sobre algunos problemas
urbana mexica y la estructura de Tenochtitlán, pp. 37–58; Flores
de restauración, pp. 15–20; Rodríguez García, Ignacio: Patrimonio
Peña, Sergio: Los servicios públicos en las culturas prehispánicas:
cultural, interés público y privatización, pp. 21–42; Guevara Sánchez,
un nuevo punto en la agenda de investigaciones, pp. 59–63; Mangino
Arturo: Arquitectura prehispánica del Estado de Chihuahua, pp.
Tazzer, Alejandro: Tipologías del espacio interior arquitectónico en
43–48; Andrews, George F.: Architecture and architectural style at
Mesoamérica, pp. 64–75; Acevedo A,, Renaldo y Ana M. de la Luz
Xkipché, Yucatán, México, pp. 49–58; Rivera, Víctor y Juan Antonio
Paz Bone: El patrón de asentamiento de Uaxactún durante el
Siller: Reconocimiento arquitectónico en Guatemala, Honduras, El
Clásico Tardío, pp. 76–84; Siller, Juan Antonio: Arquitectura y
Salvador y México: consideraciones generales, marzo 1992, pp. 59–
urbanismo en Paquimé, Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, pp. 85–96
92; Siller, Juan Antonio: Semblanza de Augusto Molina Montes, pp.
Núm. 24, Febrero 1993
93–95
Molina, Augusto: El urbanismo en Xochicalco, pp. 3–8; Garza
Núm. 29, Marzo 1995
Tarazona de González, Silvia: Una de las entradas a la ciudad de
Quintana, Oscar: Plan de intervención del Templo I de Tikal, El
Xochicalco, Morelos, pp. 9–17; Vega Nova, Hortensio de:
Petén, Guatemala, pp. 3–14; Aoyama, Kazuo: Los tres centros
Interpretación de un conjunto habitacional en Xochicalco, Morelos,
mayores a lo largo del Río Chamelecón en la región de La Entrada,
pp 19–28; Rivas Castro, Francisco: Dos elementos iconográficos
Honduras, pp. 15–20; Kostka, Robert y Hasso Hohmann: Geodetic
teotihuacanos asociados al ritual del pulque en la Pirámide de las
and photogrammetric survey of monuments and sites, pp. 21–28;
Serpientes Emplumadas de Xochicalco, Morelos, pp. 29–38; Smith,
Prem, Hanns: Consideraciones sobre la técnica constructiva de la
Michael E.: Arquitectura y sociedad en sitios rurales postclásicos en
arquitectura Puuc, pp. 29–38; Prem, Hanns: Ficha técnica de
el oeste de Morelos: el Proyecto Morelos Postclásico, pp. 39–51;
registro arquitectónico : Proyecto Arqueológico Xkipché, pp. 39–
Pelz Marín, Ana María: Una estructura habitacional del formativo
44; Pascual Soto, Arturo: Las plazas de Hormiguero: Transfor-
tardío en Cuernavaca, Morelos, pp. 53–60; Canto Aguilar, Giselle:
maciones urbanas en un sitio maya de la región Río Bec, pp. 45–52;
Zona arqueológica de Olintepec, Morelos, pp. 61–67; Maldonado
Muñoz Cosme, Alfonso y M. Cristina Vidal Lorenzo: Un ejemplo de
Jiménez, Druzo: Estudio iconográfico de la “Pintura de Acapistla”
la evolución de la arquitectura Puuc: el Grupo Ah-Canul de Oxkintok,
(Morelos), pp. 68–86; Siller, Juan Antonio: Arquitectura megalítica
pp. 53–58; Gallegos Gómora, Miriam Judith: Algunas consi-
de Chimalacatlán, Morelos, pp. 87–96
deraciones sobre la torre de Palenque, Chiapas, pp. 59–70; Kurjack
Núm. 25, Marzo 1993
Basco, Eduardo B., Norberto González Crespo y Silvia Garza T. de
Brambila, Rosa: Datos generales del Bajío, pp. 3–10; Viramontes
González: Atlas Arqueológico de Yucatán: Inferencias sobre la
Anzures, Carlos: La integración del espacio entre los grupos de
ubicación de los asentamientos prehispánicos, pp. 71–78; Andrews,
recolectores cazadores en Queretaro, pp. 11–16; Saint-Charles Z.,
George F.: The Palace of Santa Rosa de Xtampak, pp. 79–92
Juan Carlos: Asentamientos sobre barrancas, Rí San Juan, pp 17–
Núm. 30, Octubre 1996
22; Castañda Lópz, Carlos y Yolanda Cano Romero: Los túmulos
Guillén Cyphers, Ann: Una provincia estilística en el oriente de
funerarios de Chupícuaro: el Caso de la Virgen, Guanajato, pp. 23–
Morelos, pp. 3–11; Hirth, Kenneth G.: Teotihuacán Clásico: una
28; Herrera Muñoz, Alberto: Cuicillo del Conejo, Punta de Obrajuelo,
perspectiva regional sobre el valle oriental de Morelos, pp. 12–44;
135
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Morante López, Rubén B.: Mecanismos de corrección calendárica
Vol. 39, No. 1, February 1998
en Xochicalco, pp. 45–52; Garza Tarrazona de González, Silvia:
Buckler IV, Edward S., Deborah M. Pearsall, and Timothy P.
Tres casa cargador de flechas, pp. 53–63
Holtsford: Climate, plant ecology, and Central Mexican archaic
subsistence, pp. 152–164
Núm. 31, Diciembre 1996
De la Fuente, Beatriz: Reflexiones en torno al concepto de estilo,
DIALECTICAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Sponsored by the Institute
pp. 3–8; Staines Cicero, Leticia: La historia pintada: diversidad
for Critical Anthropology, Kluwer Academic Publishers, , P.O. Box
temática en los murales mayas del área norte, pp. 9–17; de la
322, 3300 AH Dordrecht, The Netherlands / P.O. Box 358, Accord
Fuente, Beatriz: Modos de representar a la figura humana en la
Station, Hingham, MA 02018-0358, USA, ISSN 0304-4092
pintura mural prehispánica, pp. 18–32; Arellano Hernández,
Vol. 23, No. 2, July 1998
Alfonso: El dios K en algunas tapas de bóveda en la península de
Pyburn, K. Anne: Consuming the Maya, pp. 111–129; Mysyk, Avis:
Yucatán, pp. 33–41; Obregón Rodríguez, Ma. Concepción:
Susto: An illness of the poor, pp. 187–202
Evolución temporal del arte monumental palencano: primeras
etapas, pp. 43–62
ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Clark University, 950 Main St.,
Worcester, MA 01610, USA, ISSN 0013-0095
CULTURAL SURVIVAL QUARTERLY, Cultural Survival, 96
Vol. 74, No. 1, January 1998
Mount Auburn St., Cambridge, MA 02138, USA, ISSN 0740-3291
Jones, Richard C.: Remittances and inequality: A question of migration
stage and geographical scale, pp. 8–25; Conway, Dennis, and
Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 1997
Jeffrey H. Cohen: Consequences of migration and remittances for
Warren, Kay B.: The indigenous role in Guatemalan peace, pp. 24–
Mexican transnational communities, pp. 26–44
27; Montejo, Victor D.: The pan-Mayan movement: Mayans at the
doorway of the new millennium, pp. 28–31
ESTUDIOS GEOGRAFICOS, Instituto de Economía y Geografía
Vol. 22, No. 1, Spring 1998
Aplicadas, Pinar, 25, 28006 Madrid, Spain / Distribución de
Freedson González, Margaret, and Elías Pérez Pérez: Indigenous
Publicaciones del CSIC, Vitrubio, 8, 28006 Madrid, Spain, ISSN
0014-1496
rights and schooling in Highland Chiapas, pp. 41–43; De la Torre
López, Antonio: Chanub Vun ta Batzi Kop of Sna Jtzibajom: An
Vol. 58, 226, Enero–Marzo 1997
alternative education in our native languages, pp. 44–45; Burns,
Ribera Carbó, Eulalia: Independencia política y transformación de
una metrópoli colonial: la ciudad de México vista por tres británicos,
Allan: Maya education and Pan Maya ideology in the Yucatán, pp.
1821–1841, pp. 95–112
50–52; Herrera Peña, Guillermina: Indigenous legal translators:
Challenges of a university program for the Maya of Guatemala, pp.
IMPRESSUM
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General Editor: Im Auftrag der Internationalen Gesellschaft für
indigenous education in Mexico, pp. 59–60; Alvarez Q., Francisco,
Mesoamerika-Forschung e.V., Berlin: Gordon Whittaker.
Robert M. Laughlin, and Diego Mendez Guzmán: A traveler to the
Publisher: Verlag Anton Saurwein, Am Hennigbach 17, D-85570 Markt
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Contributions Nikolai Grube (Seminar für Völkerkunde, Römerstrasse
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Bibliography Elke Wagner (Talstr. 15, D-54666 Irrel, Germany; Tel./
Brown, Susan Fisher, and John J. Koran, Jr.: Learning from ruins: A
Fax: 0 65 25–93 61 69, e-mail: ewagner@okay.net), Claudine
visitor study at Uxmal, pp. 121–131
Hartau, Martin Seger, Gunther Dietz, Christian Prager.
Austrian Office Karl Herbert Mayer (J. Loserthgasse 16, A-8010 Graz,
CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY, Wenner-Gren Foundation for
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US Office Thomas H. Guderjan (Maya Research Program, St. Mary’s
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Mexican Office Alfredo Barrera Rubio (Calle 25 por 58-A, No. 502,
Vol. 38, No. 2, June 1997
Cruzero de Itzimna, 97100 Mérida, Yuc., Mexico).
Haslip-Viera, Gabriel, Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, and Warren
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Der Vertrieb erfolgt nur im Jahresabonnement geschlossener
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